Maureen's speeches in 30th Dáil from June 2009 up to January 2011
25 January Finance Bill 2011
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan:I, too, was supposed to have four but we will see. I thank Sinn Féin for sharing time with Deputy McGrath and me. It is an acknowledgment of how the seven of us have worked together and co-operated in the Technical Group in which now—--
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: ——due to a technical point we are precluded from speaking as that group. Speaking as a member of the so-called rag-bag collection of Independents, I wish to refer to my predecessor, the late Tony Gregory, who was one of the finest Deputies this House has seen. He was a man of principle and integrity and was guided by principles of fairness and justice. He was consistently returned in local and national elections for some 30 years. I find it very insulting to hear that word used in his regard.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: It also insults the electorate which chose to vote for an Independent candidate.
I voted against the budget before Christmas and, being consistent, will vote against the Finance Bill. I accept we need money because the consequences of not having it are too appalling to imagine but there are too many harsh conditions attached to the Bill by the IMF and the European Central Bank. It is the IMF whose actions contributed to the destruction of economies in Africa, Asia and South America and seriously damaged the lives of people by its policy conditions. Its role has been to oversee the transfer of wealth from ordinary people to corporate interests.
This Finance Bill will lock us into a specific economic model, removing aspects of economic decision making. I do not see in this Bill a commitment to holding on to our natural resources — the Corrib gas field and our forests. I do not see the wealthy being unduly affected but I see severe cuts for the poor. I do not see a complete elimination of bonuses, excessive salaries and expenses and am not convinced that all tax loopholes have been closed. Those with disabilities are still living in fear, suffering the effects of current cuts and still fearing further cuts. The universal social charge has been causing major difficulty. I acknowledge the change made for those on medical cards.
Where is the insurance for those struggling with mortgages when those with several properties, bought to avail of tax relief, are being looked after? Where are the provisions for tax exiles to pay their just contribution? More people are being drawn into poverty yet €68.8 billion went to senior bondholders and €1.4 billion to subordinated bondholders. Why are these gamblers and speculators being cushioned from losses? Did they share the good times when they were making massive profits?
There has been no mention by anybody as to whether our corporation tax is fair. Where are the commitments and aspects of heritage towards ensuring, for example, proper and fitting preservation of the battlefield site of the Easter Rising for its 100th anniversary, a defining moment in our history?
I have sat here for a year and a half and listened to objections to Bills being guillotined. This most significant Bill is being facilitated by the main political parties through a type of guillotine.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: Information on Maureen O'Sullivan Zoom on Maureen O'Sullivan The people should have been given their say on this and not only in the forthcoming election when the Bill will have been passed. It is the harshest budget in the history of our State and severe austerity faces us in the coming three years, perhaps for longer. The Celtic tiger is well and truly dead, replaced now by unemployment, poverty and emigration. More than €20 billion of the pension fund — working people’s money — is gone.
An Ceann Comhairle: The Deputy must finish.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: It is reckoned that the Corrib gas field alone is worth considerably more than €420 billion, and there is possibly more gas and oil off our coast. What did our Government do? It gave it away to Royal Dutch Shell. Taxpayers’ money went into the banks and it would now appear there is more concern for the bankers, developers and bondholders than for the ordinary people of this country.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: ——due to a technical point we are precluded from speaking as that group. Speaking as a member of the so-called rag-bag collection of Independents, I wish to refer to my predecessor, the late Tony Gregory, who was one of the finest Deputies this House has seen. He was a man of principle and integrity and was guided by principles of fairness and justice. He was consistently returned in local and national elections for some 30 years. I find it very insulting to hear that word used in his regard.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: It also insults the electorate which chose to vote for an Independent candidate.
I voted against the budget before Christmas and, being consistent, will vote against the Finance Bill. I accept we need money because the consequences of not having it are too appalling to imagine but there are too many harsh conditions attached to the Bill by the IMF and the European Central Bank. It is the IMF whose actions contributed to the destruction of economies in Africa, Asia and South America and seriously damaged the lives of people by its policy conditions. Its role has been to oversee the transfer of wealth from ordinary people to corporate interests.
This Finance Bill will lock us into a specific economic model, removing aspects of economic decision making. I do not see in this Bill a commitment to holding on to our natural resources — the Corrib gas field and our forests. I do not see the wealthy being unduly affected but I see severe cuts for the poor. I do not see a complete elimination of bonuses, excessive salaries and expenses and am not convinced that all tax loopholes have been closed. Those with disabilities are still living in fear, suffering the effects of current cuts and still fearing further cuts. The universal social charge has been causing major difficulty. I acknowledge the change made for those on medical cards.
Where is the insurance for those struggling with mortgages when those with several properties, bought to avail of tax relief, are being looked after? Where are the provisions for tax exiles to pay their just contribution? More people are being drawn into poverty yet €68.8 billion went to senior bondholders and €1.4 billion to subordinated bondholders. Why are these gamblers and speculators being cushioned from losses? Did they share the good times when they were making massive profits?
There has been no mention by anybody as to whether our corporation tax is fair. Where are the commitments and aspects of heritage towards ensuring, for example, proper and fitting preservation of the battlefield site of the Easter Rising for its 100th anniversary, a defining moment in our history?
I have sat here for a year and a half and listened to objections to Bills being guillotined. This most significant Bill is being facilitated by the main political parties through a type of guillotine.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: Information on Maureen O'Sullivan Zoom on Maureen O'Sullivan The people should have been given their say on this and not only in the forthcoming election when the Bill will have been passed. It is the harshest budget in the history of our State and severe austerity faces us in the coming three years, perhaps for longer. The Celtic tiger is well and truly dead, replaced now by unemployment, poverty and emigration. More than €20 billion of the pension fund — working people’s money — is gone.
An Ceann Comhairle: The Deputy must finish.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: It is reckoned that the Corrib gas field alone is worth considerably more than €420 billion, and there is possibly more gas and oil off our coast. What did our Government do? It gave it away to Royal Dutch Shell. Taxpayers’ money went into the banks and it would now appear there is more concern for the bankers, developers and bondholders than for the ordinary people of this country.
19 January Health Care Services: Motion
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I want to acknowledge the positive things in our health system. We have excellent health care, which is provided by hard-working and highly trained staff, and it has a significant budget, once one is in the system. That is central and brings me to the issue of beds. It is ironic that people are left on trolleys, chairs and worse who need a bed while those in wards are left in beds, through no fault of their own, when they could and should be at home with support, nursing home or community care.
The first two points in the Government amendment are more aspirational than real. I support the call for the Government to instruct the VHI to postpone the increases because the time for increases, if at all, is during a time of plenty and not a recession. More will opt out of private health insurance because they need to spend their money elsewhere. This will lead to further pressure on the public health system.
Those paying for even the most expensive cover will need and use the public system if they are very ill, which brings me to a more fundamental question which has to be asked about our two-tier health system. There are gross injustices in such a system. It is not right or fair that two people with a medical issue can get a different initial response. A person with money or private health insurance can get an appointment with a consultant or an MRI scan within days or weeks while a public patient will wait for months if not longer.
New thinking on financing health care is needed. We need a new system based on the needs of the patients and not their ability to pay. There should be a system of equity of access to health care. As long as there is a two-tier health service with medical care readily available for those who can afford to pay and long waiting lists for the rest, the misery of trolleys in accident and emergency departments will continue.
The first two points in the Government amendment are more aspirational than real. I support the call for the Government to instruct the VHI to postpone the increases because the time for increases, if at all, is during a time of plenty and not a recession. More will opt out of private health insurance because they need to spend their money elsewhere. This will lead to further pressure on the public health system.
Those paying for even the most expensive cover will need and use the public system if they are very ill, which brings me to a more fundamental question which has to be asked about our two-tier health system. There are gross injustices in such a system. It is not right or fair that two people with a medical issue can get a different initial response. A person with money or private health insurance can get an appointment with a consultant or an MRI scan within days or weeks while a public patient will wait for months if not longer.
New thinking on financing health care is needed. We need a new system based on the needs of the patients and not their ability to pay. There should be a system of equity of access to health care. As long as there is a two-tier health service with medical care readily available for those who can afford to pay and long waiting lists for the rest, the misery of trolleys in accident and emergency departments will continue.
19 January Bretton Woods Agreements (Amendment) Bill
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19 January Bretton Woods Agreements (Amendment) Bill
This technical Bill will make two key amendments to the proposed voice and participation voting weight and the funding arrangements for the IMF’s investment authority. The IMF has been responsible for seriously damaging the lives of people in poorer and developing counties. I hope this country will not suffer the same fate.
It is claimed the voting formula contained in the voice and participation amendment aims at a better approximation of voting weight to economic weight meaning some under-represented developed countries will gain weight and some developing nations could lose. It is disappointing, as some organisations have pointed out, that after years of debate the proposal only gives a small increase in quota share for a handful of developing countries and none for the rest of them. This proposal does not represent the long overdue reform that was promised. Yet the EU’s position paper in supporting it claims “it will achieve a significant shift with the [83]representation of dynamic economies, many of which are emerging market countries, and give poorer countries a greater say in running the multilateral institution”. Where is the truth?
The issue of governance reform has been a long-standing controversy between IMF member countries. Many justice organisations across the world have repeatedly called for a more just allocation of representation to southern hemisphere countries in the IMF, an institution that has often devastated their economies with its policy conditions attached to lending. Debt and Development Coalition Ireland has produced several reports on this damage. The IMF itself has acknowledged the need for governance reform, including increasing the voice of weaker countries in IMF decision-making structures. To date any changes agreed have been almost meaningless and impoverished countries do not have real power. There is a definite governance imbalance in the IMF. Reforms will not occur through marginal increases in voting rights.
The IMF has categorised South Korea and Singapore as developing countries, benefiting from the shift despite an IMF report classifying them as advanced economies. Another commitment the IMF can make in reforming its governance structure must include a far greater voice and vote for southern hemisphere countries through introducing a double-majority voting system, two separate majorities, one based on one country, one vote and the other on equally weighted quotas. This will allow southern countries to have a meaningful role in decision-making with increased dialogue between members which could result in more stable and effective decisions. Impoverished countries in the past have been ruined by the IMF. Now is the chance to put that right.
Regarding the proposed investment authority amendment, I note one provision concerns when the IMF sells gold.
To where will the proceeds go? I am informed that an amount will be placed in a general resources account and that the excess will be placed in an investment account. The IMF completed the sale of 403.3 tonnes of gold in December 2010 and obtained a far higher return on that sale than would normally be the case. In 2009, the IMF had agreed to use $900 million of the profit from such sales toward increasing low-interest lending to low-income countries. However, global debt justice movements have long been calling for the proceeds from these gold sales to be used to fund debt cancellation for southern nations, which is very much needed. Reputable research carried out in 2009 indicates that at least 100 countries still require approximately $400 billion in debt cancellation.
How was such a high level of profit made from the IMF’s recent gold sales? It is suggested that said profits amounted to as much as $2.5 billion. The southern countries to which I refer have been used, exploited and drained of their wealth for a very long period by their European imperial masters. Immediate action is needed to alleviate the debt burden on countries of the global south. Some NGOs working on debt issues recommend support for the Bill, while noting that it does not address any of the fundamental concerns relating to reform of the IMF. There is a need to call for significant new commitments from the latter in respect of gold sales. Any windfall profits from such sales should be allocated to additional debt cancellation in respect of the most impoverished countries.
There is also a need to address the issue of the IMF’s practice of attaching policy conditions to loans, a matter in respect of which we have had some experience in recent times. Questions arise with regard to the IMF’s competence in working with southern countries. For example, does it have a real understanding of the economies of such countries? There is a need for just and responsible financing when it comes to international lending and borrowing. I stress the word “just” in this regard. The proposed increased investment authority for the IMF should not be for internal costs but should rather be directed towards other priorities such as debt cancellation.
This technical Bill will make two key amendments to the proposed voice and participation voting weight and the funding arrangements for the IMF’s investment authority. The IMF has been responsible for seriously damaging the lives of people in poorer and developing counties. I hope this country will not suffer the same fate.
It is claimed the voting formula contained in the voice and participation amendment aims at a better approximation of voting weight to economic weight meaning some under-represented developed countries will gain weight and some developing nations could lose. It is disappointing, as some organisations have pointed out, that after years of debate the proposal only gives a small increase in quota share for a handful of developing countries and none for the rest of them. This proposal does not represent the long overdue reform that was promised. Yet the EU’s position paper in supporting it claims “it will achieve a significant shift with the [83]representation of dynamic economies, many of which are emerging market countries, and give poorer countries a greater say in running the multilateral institution”. Where is the truth?
The issue of governance reform has been a long-standing controversy between IMF member countries. Many justice organisations across the world have repeatedly called for a more just allocation of representation to southern hemisphere countries in the IMF, an institution that has often devastated their economies with its policy conditions attached to lending. Debt and Development Coalition Ireland has produced several reports on this damage. The IMF itself has acknowledged the need for governance reform, including increasing the voice of weaker countries in IMF decision-making structures. To date any changes agreed have been almost meaningless and impoverished countries do not have real power. There is a definite governance imbalance in the IMF. Reforms will not occur through marginal increases in voting rights.
The IMF has categorised South Korea and Singapore as developing countries, benefiting from the shift despite an IMF report classifying them as advanced economies. Another commitment the IMF can make in reforming its governance structure must include a far greater voice and vote for southern hemisphere countries through introducing a double-majority voting system, two separate majorities, one based on one country, one vote and the other on equally weighted quotas. This will allow southern countries to have a meaningful role in decision-making with increased dialogue between members which could result in more stable and effective decisions. Impoverished countries in the past have been ruined by the IMF. Now is the chance to put that right.
Regarding the proposed investment authority amendment, I note one provision concerns when the IMF sells gold.
To where will the proceeds go? I am informed that an amount will be placed in a general resources account and that the excess will be placed in an investment account. The IMF completed the sale of 403.3 tonnes of gold in December 2010 and obtained a far higher return on that sale than would normally be the case. In 2009, the IMF had agreed to use $900 million of the profit from such sales toward increasing low-interest lending to low-income countries. However, global debt justice movements have long been calling for the proceeds from these gold sales to be used to fund debt cancellation for southern nations, which is very much needed. Reputable research carried out in 2009 indicates that at least 100 countries still require approximately $400 billion in debt cancellation.
How was such a high level of profit made from the IMF’s recent gold sales? It is suggested that said profits amounted to as much as $2.5 billion. The southern countries to which I refer have been used, exploited and drained of their wealth for a very long period by their European imperial masters. Immediate action is needed to alleviate the debt burden on countries of the global south. Some NGOs working on debt issues recommend support for the Bill, while noting that it does not address any of the fundamental concerns relating to reform of the IMF. There is a need to call for significant new commitments from the latter in respect of gold sales. Any windfall profits from such sales should be allocated to additional debt cancellation in respect of the most impoverished countries.
There is also a need to address the issue of the IMF’s practice of attaching policy conditions to loans, a matter in respect of which we have had some experience in recent times. Questions arise with regard to the IMF’s competence in working with southern countries. For example, does it have a real understanding of the economies of such countries? There is a need for just and responsible financing when it comes to international lending and borrowing. I stress the word “just” in this regard. The proposed increased investment authority for the IMF should not be for internal costs but should rather be directed towards other priorities such as debt cancellation.
13 January '11 Communications Regulation (Postal Services)
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The Bill’s purpose is to open the postal services market to competition. While competition can be of benefit, for example, in the case of airlines, I am not convinced the postal service situation is comparable. I am stating the obvious when I say we have an excellent postal service. It is efficient, regular and reasonably priced. Our prices are the eighth lowest among 29 European countries. I hope the Bill will protect our high levels of service.
I wish to acknowledge another aspect of postal services, namely, the social service that postmen and postwomen provide, particularly in rural areas. It is positive, albeit unfortunate, that a postman or postwoman is often the only source of contact for people in some isolated rural areas. The Minister acknowledged the role of post offices throughout the country and the considerable range of services they provide.
Is it a case of reinventing a system that works? If something is not broken, why are we trying to fix it? Like others, I have been contacted by people who are worried about the Bill’s [570]implications. They are concerned that with the opening of the postal market, there may be an erosion of service levels. In Europe, liberalisation has seen social dumping. People are concerned about job losses and that reliable and socially beneficial jobs may be replaced by temporary and poorly paid positions. This type of social dumping cannot be allowed and employment standards must be protected. There are also concerns that An Post’s high standards will not be maintained.
One section of the Bill relates to ensuring that postal service users may avail of a universal postal service that meets their reasonable needs but is this not the case under the current system? Will the Bill have positive or negative effects?
I welcome some provisions. For example, the postal service will be free of charge for blind and partially sighted persons and address the needs of specific social groups, in particular disabled postal service users. I welcome the provisions on the quality, regularity and reliability of service standards and the directions regarding corrective action where necessary. I also acknowledge the conditions regarding the withdrawal of service, the code of practice for the handling of users’ complaints and the provisions on a price cap.
An Post will be the universal postal service provider for a period of seven years. This will pose it with a challenge and an opportunity. It has been facing other challenges, given the advantages posed by IT and the need to generate new income but I trust its board and management will rise to the challenge and ensure it is the operator of choice in a liberalised market. I hope its board and management will not get caught up in the culture of bonuses and expenses. Workers in post offices and those who deliver the mail have been doing their part efficiently and responsibly. I hope the fears of many workers and their families that this Bill is a threat to the postal service and the 10,000 jobs that depend on it will not be realised in this legislation. I hope the high standards to which we are used, the efficiency and reliability of those working in An Post and a reasonably priced service that covers many needs and the wonderful work being done in post offices will be maintained.
I wish to acknowledge another aspect of postal services, namely, the social service that postmen and postwomen provide, particularly in rural areas. It is positive, albeit unfortunate, that a postman or postwoman is often the only source of contact for people in some isolated rural areas. The Minister acknowledged the role of post offices throughout the country and the considerable range of services they provide.
Is it a case of reinventing a system that works? If something is not broken, why are we trying to fix it? Like others, I have been contacted by people who are worried about the Bill’s [570]implications. They are concerned that with the opening of the postal market, there may be an erosion of service levels. In Europe, liberalisation has seen social dumping. People are concerned about job losses and that reliable and socially beneficial jobs may be replaced by temporary and poorly paid positions. This type of social dumping cannot be allowed and employment standards must be protected. There are also concerns that An Post’s high standards will not be maintained.
One section of the Bill relates to ensuring that postal service users may avail of a universal postal service that meets their reasonable needs but is this not the case under the current system? Will the Bill have positive or negative effects?
I welcome some provisions. For example, the postal service will be free of charge for blind and partially sighted persons and address the needs of specific social groups, in particular disabled postal service users. I welcome the provisions on the quality, regularity and reliability of service standards and the directions regarding corrective action where necessary. I also acknowledge the conditions regarding the withdrawal of service, the code of practice for the handling of users’ complaints and the provisions on a price cap.
An Post will be the universal postal service provider for a period of seven years. This will pose it with a challenge and an opportunity. It has been facing other challenges, given the advantages posed by IT and the need to generate new income but I trust its board and management will rise to the challenge and ensure it is the operator of choice in a liberalised market. I hope its board and management will not get caught up in the culture of bonuses and expenses. Workers in post offices and those who deliver the mail have been doing their part efficiently and responsibly. I hope the fears of many workers and their families that this Bill is a threat to the postal service and the 10,000 jobs that depend on it will not be realised in this legislation. I hope the high standards to which we are used, the efficiency and reliability of those working in An Post and a reasonably priced service that covers many needs and the wonderful work being done in post offices will be maintained.
13 January '11 Water Utilities: Motion
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We have basic human rights, such as a right to life, to a roof over our heads, to live in peace and to exercise freedom of expression, but a fundamental basic human right is the right to clean drinking water. In the recent past, water has posed a problem. Being an island community surrounded by water with endless miles of rivers, lakes and streams, it is ironic that areas have been without water or have had water rationed and restricted. We are also aware of the opposite occurring, that is, flooding which has caused considerable damage to houses and areas, the result of which has seen some people unable to acquire insurance.
Yesterday, the current update on Dublin City Council’s website showed restrictions are still in place. Parts of Dublin and elsewhere in the country are experiencing what it is like for people in Third World countries who must queue for water. Dublin has tankers at a variety of locations and people have been told to bring their own containers. There is no doubt that the water difficulties have caused considerable social and economic hardship, be there too much water, too little or none.
Individual responsibility is another aspect. I acknowledge how Dublin City Council has been proactive in assisting people in taking responsibility by making suggestions on how to carry out leak tests, water audits and toilet and cistern checks. The council made particular suggestions about the use of rainwater and gardening. Flood protection measures have also been undertaken. However, our individual responsibility not to waste water will not be enough without significant investment in infrastructure. With €1 billion being spent every year on water treatment and supply, one would have thought there would be an efficient service, so how is the funding being managed? Is it part of the culture of excessive salaries, bonuses and expenses? There is also the serious subject of planning being granted for development on flood plains, which was most unsuitable.
We are good at overspending on large construction projects, such as the Port Tunnel, the M50 widening and the Luas, which all overran by three times their original costs. If metro north goes ahead we will be able to get to the airport by metro but it will cost at least €6 billion while there will still be people without enough water and others who face the risk of flooding.
I support the motion that covers the need for significant capital investment in water to ensure there is no wastage and an adequate supply but I also acknowledge the Government amendment that highlights ongoing major investment in water services and the commitment to invest in water conservation, which must be a priority.
Yesterday, the current update on Dublin City Council’s website showed restrictions are still in place. Parts of Dublin and elsewhere in the country are experiencing what it is like for people in Third World countries who must queue for water. Dublin has tankers at a variety of locations and people have been told to bring their own containers. There is no doubt that the water difficulties have caused considerable social and economic hardship, be there too much water, too little or none.
Individual responsibility is another aspect. I acknowledge how Dublin City Council has been proactive in assisting people in taking responsibility by making suggestions on how to carry out leak tests, water audits and toilet and cistern checks. The council made particular suggestions about the use of rainwater and gardening. Flood protection measures have also been undertaken. However, our individual responsibility not to waste water will not be enough without significant investment in infrastructure. With €1 billion being spent every year on water treatment and supply, one would have thought there would be an efficient service, so how is the funding being managed? Is it part of the culture of excessive salaries, bonuses and expenses? There is also the serious subject of planning being granted for development on flood plains, which was most unsuitable.
We are good at overspending on large construction projects, such as the Port Tunnel, the M50 widening and the Luas, which all overran by three times their original costs. If metro north goes ahead we will be able to get to the airport by metro but it will cost at least €6 billion while there will still be people without enough water and others who face the risk of flooding.
I support the motion that covers the need for significant capital investment in water to ensure there is no wastage and an adequate supply but I also acknowledge the Government amendment that highlights ongoing major investment in water services and the commitment to invest in water conservation, which must be a priority.
16 December 2010 Public Health (Tobacco) (Amendment) Bill
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I hope this proposal will be progressive and positive. It is strange and ironic to link tobacco and public health in the same sentence, as the harmful effects of tobacco are well known. There is another irony in the sense that the legal tobacco industry brings in very significant revenue to the State and the illicit tobacco trade loses the country equally significant revenue. Another contradiction or paradox lies in the fact that cigarettes are perceived to bring relief for stress and tension, while at the same time they cause other health risks.
As for the illicit tobacco trade, it has been estimated that 27% of all tobacco consumed in Ireland in 2009 was illicit and evaded excise duty. This constituted an increase from an equivalent figure in 2008 of 20%. As a result, the Government lost VAT and excise to the approximate value of €556 million and retailers lost approximately €692 million in sales turnover. The importation, sale and distribution of illegal tobacco products is a major problem for our society and for the Garda Síochána, which makes the point that such criminality also contributes to other criminal activity. In 2009, co-operation between the Garda and the Customs and Excise resulted in the seizure of more than 218 million cigarettes to the value of €92 million. Tobacco smuggling is depriving the State of revenue from the sale of legitimate products and a significant health risk in the illegal trade arises from not knowing the actual tar content of such illegal cigarettes, thus contributing even more health factors. Smuggling also ensures a supply of cheap cigarettes, which pushes people further into their addiction to tobacco.
Any discussion on tobacco must take on the health implications and I trust the HSE will do this. It is known that smoking kills approximately 16 people a day in Ireland and that half of all smokers will die as a result of smoking. Smokers have a 30% higher risk of developing cancer and Irish research shows that 78% of smokers start before the age of 18 and that more than half start by the age of 15. Research indicates that price is the single most important factor discouraging young people from experimenting with tobacco. I note that in Australia, following the imposition of a 25% increase in the price of cigarettes in April 2010, statistics showed that the prevalence of smoking fell considerably. The most frightening finding from the World Health Organisation is that young people and those in lower socio-economic groups are two to three times more likely to try to quit on foot of a price increase. I reiterate that approximately 6,000 people die every year from the effects of smoking. A further point made consistently by the Irish Cancer Society pertains to how tobacco companies link tobacco smuggling and price and use the smuggling issue to convince politicians and high-level officials that the high price of cigarettes is resulting in high levels of smuggling with the consequential freezing of tax on tobacco. The society also states that there is strong evidence to demonstrate that high price is the most effective weapon in reducing smoking and discouraging young people from starting. I will revert to my first point about irony by noting that in 2009 alone, 25% of all excise receipts returned to the Exchequer were generated by tobacco and amounted to the considerable sum of €1.2 billion.
As for the illicit tobacco trade, it has been estimated that 27% of all tobacco consumed in Ireland in 2009 was illicit and evaded excise duty. This constituted an increase from an equivalent figure in 2008 of 20%. As a result, the Government lost VAT and excise to the approximate value of €556 million and retailers lost approximately €692 million in sales turnover. The importation, sale and distribution of illegal tobacco products is a major problem for our society and for the Garda Síochána, which makes the point that such criminality also contributes to other criminal activity. In 2009, co-operation between the Garda and the Customs and Excise resulted in the seizure of more than 218 million cigarettes to the value of €92 million. Tobacco smuggling is depriving the State of revenue from the sale of legitimate products and a significant health risk in the illegal trade arises from not knowing the actual tar content of such illegal cigarettes, thus contributing even more health factors. Smuggling also ensures a supply of cheap cigarettes, which pushes people further into their addiction to tobacco.
Any discussion on tobacco must take on the health implications and I trust the HSE will do this. It is known that smoking kills approximately 16 people a day in Ireland and that half of all smokers will die as a result of smoking. Smokers have a 30% higher risk of developing cancer and Irish research shows that 78% of smokers start before the age of 18 and that more than half start by the age of 15. Research indicates that price is the single most important factor discouraging young people from experimenting with tobacco. I note that in Australia, following the imposition of a 25% increase in the price of cigarettes in April 2010, statistics showed that the prevalence of smoking fell considerably. The most frightening finding from the World Health Organisation is that young people and those in lower socio-economic groups are two to three times more likely to try to quit on foot of a price increase. I reiterate that approximately 6,000 people die every year from the effects of smoking. A further point made consistently by the Irish Cancer Society pertains to how tobacco companies link tobacco smuggling and price and use the smuggling issue to convince politicians and high-level officials that the high price of cigarettes is resulting in high levels of smuggling with the consequential freezing of tax on tobacco. The society also states that there is strong evidence to demonstrate that high price is the most effective weapon in reducing smoking and discouraging young people from starting. I will revert to my first point about irony by noting that in 2009 alone, 25% of all excise receipts returned to the Exchequer were generated by tobacco and amounted to the considerable sum of €1.2 billion.
15 December National Minimum Wage: Motion
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15 December National Minimum Wage: Motion
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: The Minister for Finance informed us a week ago that Irish banks had repaid €68.8 billion to senior bondholders and €1.4 billion to subordinated bondholders as their full debt fell due under the two-year blanket guarantee. Why? They gambled and took risks, knowing that loss was part of that. Yet we are cushioning that loss and, in the same breath, we are reducing the national minimum wage. Those on the minimum wage, the working poor, low-income families with children and people on social welfare are all being hit with tax increases and cuts in child benefit and rent supplement. They will be also affected disproportionately by other aspects of the four year plan, with reductions in funding for education, health care and the community and voluntary sector. Organisations that work with those people are expressing their concern. The Society of St. Vincent de Paul says there has been an increase in calls of up to 50% in certain regions. Figures from the Central Statistics Office for 2009 show that levels of consistent poverty rose in 2008, as did the number unable to afford basic requirements. That was before the impact of the 2010 budget, never mind this one.
While we are talking about cutting the minimum wage, we are also talking about bonuses. Which part of the words “recession”, “downturn” or “economic disaster” are not understood by those giving and receiving bonuses? The word “bonus” should not be in our vocabulary for the foreseeable future, and I call again for bonuses to be eliminated. We are told there was justification for a bonus for those whose salaries were cut by 17%, but where is the equivalent treatment for those taking cuts in the minimum wage and social welfare? We were told that those showing exceptional merit in the Department of Finance deserved an extra bonus, but real exceptional merit will be shown by those on low and middle incomes, on social welfare and on the minimum wage in coping with life.
High salaries, bonuses and expenses are alive and well because of the lack of a real social conscience in this House. Sacrifices are being asked of those on social welfare, those on the minimum wage and those on low and middle incomes, but they are not being asked of the corporate sector and the rich elite.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: The Minister for Finance informed us a week ago that Irish banks had repaid €68.8 billion to senior bondholders and €1.4 billion to subordinated bondholders as their full debt fell due under the two-year blanket guarantee. Why? They gambled and took risks, knowing that loss was part of that. Yet we are cushioning that loss and, in the same breath, we are reducing the national minimum wage. Those on the minimum wage, the working poor, low-income families with children and people on social welfare are all being hit with tax increases and cuts in child benefit and rent supplement. They will be also affected disproportionately by other aspects of the four year plan, with reductions in funding for education, health care and the community and voluntary sector. Organisations that work with those people are expressing their concern. The Society of St. Vincent de Paul says there has been an increase in calls of up to 50% in certain regions. Figures from the Central Statistics Office for 2009 show that levels of consistent poverty rose in 2008, as did the number unable to afford basic requirements. That was before the impact of the 2010 budget, never mind this one.
While we are talking about cutting the minimum wage, we are also talking about bonuses. Which part of the words “recession”, “downturn” or “economic disaster” are not understood by those giving and receiving bonuses? The word “bonus” should not be in our vocabulary for the foreseeable future, and I call again for bonuses to be eliminated. We are told there was justification for a bonus for those whose salaries were cut by 17%, but where is the equivalent treatment for those taking cuts in the minimum wage and social welfare? We were told that those showing exceptional merit in the Department of Finance deserved an extra bonus, but real exceptional merit will be shown by those on low and middle incomes, on social welfare and on the minimum wage in coping with life.
High salaries, bonuses and expenses are alive and well because of the lack of a real social conscience in this House. Sacrifices are being asked of those on social welfare, those on the minimum wage and those on low and middle incomes, but they are not being asked of the corporate sector and the rich elite.
15 December EU-IMF Programme of Financial Support: Motion
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I completely accept that we need money because the consequences of not having the resources necessary to pay bills, wages and the money due to social welfare recipients are just too horrific to imagine. However, there are too many harsh conditions attached to the bailout. I refer, in particular, to the interest rate which will place enor[321]mous pressure on the country in the context of meeting repayments. Between one quarter and one third of the entire tax take will be required in order to service the interest payments on the loan we have been given.
I am of the view that Ireland is being used as a test case in the context of future potential disasters within the eurozone. We are being obliged, unjustly and unfairly, to pay for the mistakes made by the banking sectors here and in Europe in respect of reckless lending. We are the puppets dangling at the end of a string and are under the control of elite groups of bankers who are solely motivated by their own interests and preserving their profit margins. I do not believe that the terms “banking” and “altruism” can be used in the same sentence.
How does taking on further debt assist us in repaying our existing debts? Global justice organisations have long been monitoring the impact of IMF policies, particularly in countries such as Mali, Zambia, Honduras and Guatemala where they have had disastrous consequences. The role of the IMF has been to oversee the transfer of wealth from ordinary people to corporate interests. The agreement into which we are entering will lock Ireland into a specific economic model, dominated by policies which impose suffering on the less well off in society. It also will diminish Irish democracy as it will remove aspects of economic decision-making. Why have the issues of leaving the eurozone and default been dismissed so readily? Why do we not ensure that Ireland has a proper stake in the Corrib gas field and other natural resources estimated to be worth in excess of €400 billion? Will this mean selling off profitable and successful assets such as the ESB and Coillte? It is interesting that a former Taoiseach is chairperson of the International Forestry Fund, which is likely to make a bid for Ireland’s forests. Last year, Members were told that we had turned the corner but it looks as though it was into a cul-de-sac. Ireland will recover but it will be in spite of this measure and not because of it.
I am of the view that Ireland is being used as a test case in the context of future potential disasters within the eurozone. We are being obliged, unjustly and unfairly, to pay for the mistakes made by the banking sectors here and in Europe in respect of reckless lending. We are the puppets dangling at the end of a string and are under the control of elite groups of bankers who are solely motivated by their own interests and preserving their profit margins. I do not believe that the terms “banking” and “altruism” can be used in the same sentence.
How does taking on further debt assist us in repaying our existing debts? Global justice organisations have long been monitoring the impact of IMF policies, particularly in countries such as Mali, Zambia, Honduras and Guatemala where they have had disastrous consequences. The role of the IMF has been to oversee the transfer of wealth from ordinary people to corporate interests. The agreement into which we are entering will lock Ireland into a specific economic model, dominated by policies which impose suffering on the less well off in society. It also will diminish Irish democracy as it will remove aspects of economic decision-making. Why have the issues of leaving the eurozone and default been dismissed so readily? Why do we not ensure that Ireland has a proper stake in the Corrib gas field and other natural resources estimated to be worth in excess of €400 billion? Will this mean selling off profitable and successful assets such as the ESB and Coillte? It is interesting that a former Taoiseach is chairperson of the International Forestry Fund, which is likely to make a bid for Ireland’s forests. Last year, Members were told that we had turned the corner but it looks as though it was into a cul-de-sac. Ireland will recover but it will be in spite of this measure and not because of it.
8 December 2010 Financial Resolution No. 34: General
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I thank my colleague for sharing his time with me and facilitating me in having this opportunity to contribute.
We are facing massive economic problems and no one should even consider trying to down play or minimise them. We must be realistic about the fact that austere measures are needed but what must be acknowledged are the difficulties and frustrations facing those who had no hand, act or part in the current disastrous financial situation and the terrible sadness that all of this could have been avoided. It is frightening to think that we will spend more on the annual repayments than on funding our health system and education.
One point that is accurate is a statement in the recovery plan that tax and expenditure measures will negatively affect the living standards of citizens in the short term, but I ask which citizens will they affect? This is where the plan and the budget are fatally flawed. It may pass some economic tests but not the political one which requires support from the people. The poorest are being asked to take cuts and what I find most appalling are the cuts to be imposed on those with disabilities, both mental and physical, and their carers. We know that there are extra costs for those living with a disability.
Social welfare cuts will have disastrous effects on many families and individuals. We are in the closing month of 2010, the European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion and yet the current crisis has already seen more people driven into poverty. There are significant elements of the plan and budget which instead of lifting people out of poverty will push them further into poverty and social exclusion. With the higher rate of tax having stayed the same, there is little evidence that those who have more will pay more.
The plan refers to maintaining investment in education and we know that one of our major assets is our educated people. I am glad that the school building programme is being sustained and I hope that Gaelscoil Bharra in Cabra will finally get its building. Yet there is a massive reduction in student grants, the grants that are needed to keep people in education, especially those from lower socio-economic groups. There are also cuts in resources and literacy programmes, yet we continue to fund private education and education quangos.
The uncaring attitude towards those on the minimum wage is matched by the arrogance in total refusal to even consider an increase in corporation tax, which suggests that we have been turning a blind eye to the way this country has been a semi-fraudulent tax haven for major international companies dodging paying their legitimate taxes in their own countries — even a small increase in the tax charged to those international companies could have been made for them to make a contribution here.
We are facing massive economic problems and no one should even consider trying to down play or minimise them. We must be realistic about the fact that austere measures are needed but what must be acknowledged are the difficulties and frustrations facing those who had no hand, act or part in the current disastrous financial situation and the terrible sadness that all of this could have been avoided. It is frightening to think that we will spend more on the annual repayments than on funding our health system and education.
One point that is accurate is a statement in the recovery plan that tax and expenditure measures will negatively affect the living standards of citizens in the short term, but I ask which citizens will they affect? This is where the plan and the budget are fatally flawed. It may pass some economic tests but not the political one which requires support from the people. The poorest are being asked to take cuts and what I find most appalling are the cuts to be imposed on those with disabilities, both mental and physical, and their carers. We know that there are extra costs for those living with a disability.
Social welfare cuts will have disastrous effects on many families and individuals. We are in the closing month of 2010, the European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion and yet the current crisis has already seen more people driven into poverty. There are significant elements of the plan and budget which instead of lifting people out of poverty will push them further into poverty and social exclusion. With the higher rate of tax having stayed the same, there is little evidence that those who have more will pay more.
The plan refers to maintaining investment in education and we know that one of our major assets is our educated people. I am glad that the school building programme is being sustained and I hope that Gaelscoil Bharra in Cabra will finally get its building. Yet there is a massive reduction in student grants, the grants that are needed to keep people in education, especially those from lower socio-economic groups. There are also cuts in resources and literacy programmes, yet we continue to fund private education and education quangos.
The uncaring attitude towards those on the minimum wage is matched by the arrogance in total refusal to even consider an increase in corporation tax, which suggests that we have been turning a blind eye to the way this country has been a semi-fraudulent tax haven for major international companies dodging paying their legitimate taxes in their own countries — even a small increase in the tax charged to those international companies could have been made for them to make a contribution here.
1 December 2010 EU-IMF Programme for Ireland and National Recovery Plan 2011-14
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I am reminded of the lines Mercutio spoke in “Romeo and Juliet” when he was caught between the feuding families, when he said: "A plague o’ both your houses! They have made worms' meat of me."
That is the feeling of many people in this country. Our political, banking, economic and financial institutions have made mincemeat of people. The problems facing the country are massive and it would be very foolish to minimise them. Irish people are the most generous and caring in the world and would totally embrace a recovery plan for our country if it was fair, just and if the sacrifices and pain were proportionate. It is unclear from the plan that they were proportionate.
That is the feeling of many people in this country. Our political, banking, economic and financial institutions have made mincemeat of people. The problems facing the country are massive and it would be very foolish to minimise them. Irish people are the most generous and caring in the world and would totally embrace a recovery plan for our country if it was fair, just and if the sacrifices and pain were proportionate. It is unclear from the plan that they were proportionate.
28 October 2010 Macroeconomic and Fiscal Outlook: Statements
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I accept the Taoiseach’s description of these times as a “period of unprecedented economic challenge”. We need major initiatives, policies and programmes and extraordinary leadership, creativity and flexibility. Constructive and meaningful leadership can only be shown by leaders who have a real sense of the principles of social justice and fairness, rather than merely paying lip-service to such concepts. Given that leaders must lead by example, we must introduce significant cuts — not token ones — that will affect the Taoiseach,Ministers, Deputies and the President. I call on other leaders in society, such as the executives and chief executives of State and semi-State bodies, the Judiciary and the well-paid higher echelons of the medical and legal professions, the Civil Service, the universities and the trade unions, to lead by example by initiating significant cuts in their salaries, eradicating bonuses and cutting their expenses by at least half. The savings in question might appear small on the grand scale, but if they are implemented they will show the Government’s willingness to share the pain. I dispute the Taoiseach’s point that the Celtic tiger misled us all. Many people, including Professor Morgan Kelly, warned that the potential existed for a crisis in our banks, financial institutions and development projects. An obvious sign of the impending crisis was the over-spend on construction projects like Luas and the Dublin Port tunnel. If we could access the moneys that were over-spent, we might not be in this crisis. There must be a change in the financial policies we have pursued to date, which have brought us where we are. This Government and its predecessors have been responsible for allowing and facilitating such recklessness and greed.
Last Thursday in the Mansion House, I met people with physical and mental disabilities whose lives depend on assistance from carers. They are now living in fear. A civilised Government would have taken the first opportunity available to it to assure such people, as well as those whose sole income comes from social welfare, that they do not need to fear any budget. I remind the Taoiseach, who said we have to take “credible, thoughtful and resolute action”, that such action should also be fair. If we are to be fair, the burden has to be shared equally. I ask the Government to eliminate those tax breaks that are mostly availed of by a small wealthy minority. As our tax take is one of the lowest in the developed world, I suggest it should be increased, broadened and deepened. We should increase corporation tax and impose a charge on international transactions. We must eliminate the waste that is identified in the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General. We need to secure better value for money in the delivery of our public services. We should stop funding private education. We should not give away our natural resources, as we did with Shell. We must tackle welfare fraud. The drug-related money and assets that are seized by the Criminal Assets Bureau, including the proceeds of drug crime, should go directly to the communities, schools and projects that are most affected by the drugs industry. I want to acknowledge the positive things that are happening. Those who are not unduly affected by this crisis have to contribute more now.
Last Thursday in the Mansion House, I met people with physical and mental disabilities whose lives depend on assistance from carers. They are now living in fear. A civilised Government would have taken the first opportunity available to it to assure such people, as well as those whose sole income comes from social welfare, that they do not need to fear any budget. I remind the Taoiseach, who said we have to take “credible, thoughtful and resolute action”, that such action should also be fair. If we are to be fair, the burden has to be shared equally. I ask the Government to eliminate those tax breaks that are mostly availed of by a small wealthy minority. As our tax take is one of the lowest in the developed world, I suggest it should be increased, broadened and deepened. We should increase corporation tax and impose a charge on international transactions. We must eliminate the waste that is identified in the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General. We need to secure better value for money in the delivery of our public services. We should stop funding private education. We should not give away our natural resources, as we did with Shell. We must tackle welfare fraud. The drug-related money and assets that are seized by the Criminal Assets Bureau, including the proceeds of drug crime, should go directly to the communities, schools and projects that are most affected by the drugs industry. I want to acknowledge the positive things that are happening. Those who are not unduly affected by this crisis have to contribute more now.
30 September '10 Announcement by Minister for Finance on Banking
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I have only been here fora year & 4months and I sometimes wonder about the relationship between the world in here and the world outside these doors, there does not seem to be too much of a connection. I do not have an economic background so I do not approach this from that angle but from the point of view of the ordinary person, who is appalled and disgusted by what they see happening here. It appears there is a bottomless pit of money and guarantees when it comes to banks but when it comes to the needs and lives of Irish people, they are told they must accept the cuts and make the sacrifices, that it is acceptable to lose their homes and jobs, that it is acceptable to lose special needs assistants, and that communities must accept that they will lose those supports that have made such a difference.
On Monday, the Minister for Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs attended an exhibition in Liberty Hall that was organised by the north inner city drugs task force, featuring a number of projects from groups in the north inner city that work with marginalised and vulnerable people, those in addiction, people from minority groups and those working with those at risk of suicide and other high risk cases. He saw the tremendous work being done by those projects on shoestring budgets. They have been cut already and must now accept further cuts.
This morning at the meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs we were reminded of the increases in the numbers of people living in hunger and poverty. A fraction of what is going to the banks would make a huge difference in the areas I have mentioned.
There is a sense that if the banks fail it will be the end of the world but banks have failed in other countries and those countries have survived and improved economically. There must be a limit, a bottom line, because the pit is not bottomless. Reckless financial and fiscal management are at the core of what is happening in this country. When will those exorbitant salaries, bonuses and expenses enjoyed by executives in State and semi-State bodies and in the higher echelons of the universities and the Civil Service be tackled and ended? At the other extreme, there are people talking about the effect missing out on the Christmas bonus last year has had on their lives.
The Minister is convinced this is the way forward but the facts say otherwise. What do we get for this money being diverted to banks? It will not create jobs or pay for our children’s education, it will not provide health or social services. The way we treat the vulnerable and marginalised is a mark of a civilised society but I do not see too many marks of civilisation in this country. It is unbelievable that we must accept pure financial fiction and economic treason.
On Monday, the Minister for Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs attended an exhibition in Liberty Hall that was organised by the north inner city drugs task force, featuring a number of projects from groups in the north inner city that work with marginalised and vulnerable people, those in addiction, people from minority groups and those working with those at risk of suicide and other high risk cases. He saw the tremendous work being done by those projects on shoestring budgets. They have been cut already and must now accept further cuts.
This morning at the meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs we were reminded of the increases in the numbers of people living in hunger and poverty. A fraction of what is going to the banks would make a huge difference in the areas I have mentioned.
There is a sense that if the banks fail it will be the end of the world but banks have failed in other countries and those countries have survived and improved economically. There must be a limit, a bottom line, because the pit is not bottomless. Reckless financial and fiscal management are at the core of what is happening in this country. When will those exorbitant salaries, bonuses and expenses enjoyed by executives in State and semi-State bodies and in the higher echelons of the universities and the Civil Service be tackled and ended? At the other extreme, there are people talking about the effect missing out on the Christmas bonus last year has had on their lives.
The Minister is convinced this is the way forward but the facts say otherwise. What do we get for this money being diverted to banks? It will not create jobs or pay for our children’s education, it will not provide health or social services. The way we treat the vulnerable and marginalised is a mark of a civilised society but I do not see too many marks of civilisation in this country. It is unbelievable that we must accept pure financial fiction and economic treason.
7 July 2010 Cystic Fibrosis Services
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I thank Deputy Finian McGrath for sharing time. I have no wish to repeat the obvious, which is the need for adequate and proper care for cystic fibrosis patients. Such care is long overdue and its lack has caused immense suffering to patients and their loved ones. The campaign in 2008-09 of the Cystic Fibrosis Association of Ireland, CFAI, was to ensure that the HSE lived up to its commitment to build the long-promised facility at St. Vincent’s Hospital. This facility cannot be delayed any further. How can funding for life-saving services be delayed, withheld or allowed to become swamped in a dispute such as the recent one concerning a car park facility? In addition, life-saving devices and services should not be dependent on fundraising activities such as table quizzes or the CFAI’s Buy a Brick fundraising venture.
There are more than 1,000 cystic fibrosis patients in Ireland. Ireland has the highest prevalence of cystic fibrosis in the world. Moreover, we have the most severe types and the largest proportion of families with more than one member with cystic fibrosis but yet, Ireland has the poorest resources for patients. I have read the graphic account of living with this illness as written, for example, by Orla Tinsley in recent years. I do not know how anyone, particularly those who work in the area or those in the HSE, can read these articles and not immediately take on board the issues and needs and then find the requisite resources. Ms Tinsley stated that people in Ireland die younger than in other countries because of the lack of proper standards of care by the HSE. Although she has won a number of awards for her campaigning, the best and most appropriate award would be to follow through on what is needed.
Members should imagine being afraid to go into hospital. Although successive reports have indicated the urgent need to provide simple single rooms with bathrooms en suite in a dedicated unit, cystic fibrosis patients still do not have this facility. Consequently, they are in a catch-22 situation wherein they need hospital care but such care is dangerous and even life-threatening because of the lack of proper facilities. I agree with Deputy Finian McGrath’s assertion that this is a national issue and not simply one for Dublin. In March 2010, Temple Street Children’s University Hospital officially opened a brand-new cystic fibrosis and respiratory outpatient unit at the hospital. The total cost was €3.2 million, €2.5 million of which was raised by donor support, corporate partnerships and intense fundraising. People with cystic fibrosis and their loved ones have enough of a battle on their hands in dealing with the illness without having to take on fundraising and media campaigns to highlight the lack of a need for proper care facilities.
I believe the Minister when she said she consistently emphasised the need to improve facilities and services to persons with cystic fibrosis. I call on the HSE to stop posturing and playing games and to do what is right and morally just and put the money where it is needed.
There are more than 1,000 cystic fibrosis patients in Ireland. Ireland has the highest prevalence of cystic fibrosis in the world. Moreover, we have the most severe types and the largest proportion of families with more than one member with cystic fibrosis but yet, Ireland has the poorest resources for patients. I have read the graphic account of living with this illness as written, for example, by Orla Tinsley in recent years. I do not know how anyone, particularly those who work in the area or those in the HSE, can read these articles and not immediately take on board the issues and needs and then find the requisite resources. Ms Tinsley stated that people in Ireland die younger than in other countries because of the lack of proper standards of care by the HSE. Although she has won a number of awards for her campaigning, the best and most appropriate award would be to follow through on what is needed.
Members should imagine being afraid to go into hospital. Although successive reports have indicated the urgent need to provide simple single rooms with bathrooms en suite in a dedicated unit, cystic fibrosis patients still do not have this facility. Consequently, they are in a catch-22 situation wherein they need hospital care but such care is dangerous and even life-threatening because of the lack of proper facilities. I agree with Deputy Finian McGrath’s assertion that this is a national issue and not simply one for Dublin. In March 2010, Temple Street Children’s University Hospital officially opened a brand-new cystic fibrosis and respiratory outpatient unit at the hospital. The total cost was €3.2 million, €2.5 million of which was raised by donor support, corporate partnerships and intense fundraising. People with cystic fibrosis and their loved ones have enough of a battle on their hands in dealing with the illness without having to take on fundraising and media campaigns to highlight the lack of a need for proper care facilities.
I believe the Minister when she said she consistently emphasised the need to improve facilities and services to persons with cystic fibrosis. I call on the HSE to stop posturing and playing games and to do what is right and morally just and put the money where it is needed.
24 June 2010 Wildlife (Amendment) Bill 2010: Second Stage
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: Tugaim fíor-thacaíocht don Bille seo, ar mo shon féin agus ar son Tony Gregory, a d’oibrigh go dian dícheallach ar son na cúise seo i rith na mblianta. Bhí an-díomá air nach raibh níos mó déanta ar an ábhar seo sar a fuair sé bás.
I wish to focus on the hunt aspect and the proposal to prohibit stag hunting with hounds in Ireland, which will apply to the Ward Union Hunt. I believe this is a humane and an enlightened initiative that is long overdue.
Do we have some romantic view of the hunt in terms of the red jackets, the men and women on horseback and, I understand these days, on quads and jeeps, with the horns blowing, the dogs baying and the so-called thrill of the chase? The words I use are animal cruelty. There are incidents of deer becoming entangled in barbed wire, drowned and chocked to death. Do we really want to see images of hunted deer covered in blood, wounded, bitten and bruised, with steaming tongues hanging out as they drop to the ground exhausted? The hunt is causing unnecessary suffering to these animals. It is a gruelling experience that can last up to and even longer than three hours.
I cite, as the late Deputy Tony Gregory did in the Dáil debate of October 2007, the veterinary documents which show the injuries and fatalities. They include fractured ribs, ruptured aortic aneurysms, a deer collapsing and dying after desperately trying to escape over an 8 ft high wall. There is considerable photographic and video evidence of the cruelty, and reports in newspapers of numerous incidents of cruelty. Is it sport to terrify an animal so unnecessarily and for what?
A significant aspect regarding the Ward Union Hunt is its hunting of tame domesticated deer. Where is the fairness or the sport in pursuing a domesticated deer — domesticated like your dog or mine — and hunt it down to the point of exhaustion? We are aware of the incident of the stag being hunted into the school yard. Savage hands set on the stag and it was then hunted onto a public road and was pursued until it collapsed, and that is considered sport. Apart from the cruelty to the animals there is also the risk to road users and members of the public.
A significant number of farmers object to their farms and land being invaded, trespassed upon and vandalised, with fences, crops and livestock damaged and destroyed. They want their lands preserved from stag hunting which is threatening their work to produce healthy, quality food. Their “No Hunting” signs are being blatantly ignored by the hunt.
The Ward Union Hunt states that it has implemented a wide range of health and safety measures in recent years. That is equivalent to telling a prisoner that after being tortured a doctor will be on hand to bandage the wounds. What health and safety measures can be brought in that will alleviate deliberate suffering and torture of an animal? That is a total contradiction.
I am fascinated by the notion of monitoring a hunt, which I find ludicrous. Will some of the conditions be that the hounds can bite only five times instead of 20, the stag will be chased for only one hour instead of three or the hunt will use only 20 hounds instead of 40. Perhaps specific injuries will be allowed? How can we tell a hound that it cannot directly kill the deer; just terrify and exhaust it to death.
I represent Dublin Central but I have many affiliations with rural Ireland, including down the road from where the Ward Union Hunt operates. This is not an attack on rural Ireland and to see it portrayed as thus is scare-mongering and deliberately clouding the issue. The Bill simply aims to protect deer from being hounded to exhaustion, injury and death for so-called fun. Is it the view of those opposing the Bill that fun equals subjecting an animal to prolonged and agonising torture and hounding it to death? I support the Bill and hope to see it passed in the House.
I wish to focus on the hunt aspect and the proposal to prohibit stag hunting with hounds in Ireland, which will apply to the Ward Union Hunt. I believe this is a humane and an enlightened initiative that is long overdue.
Do we have some romantic view of the hunt in terms of the red jackets, the men and women on horseback and, I understand these days, on quads and jeeps, with the horns blowing, the dogs baying and the so-called thrill of the chase? The words I use are animal cruelty. There are incidents of deer becoming entangled in barbed wire, drowned and chocked to death. Do we really want to see images of hunted deer covered in blood, wounded, bitten and bruised, with steaming tongues hanging out as they drop to the ground exhausted? The hunt is causing unnecessary suffering to these animals. It is a gruelling experience that can last up to and even longer than three hours.
I cite, as the late Deputy Tony Gregory did in the Dáil debate of October 2007, the veterinary documents which show the injuries and fatalities. They include fractured ribs, ruptured aortic aneurysms, a deer collapsing and dying after desperately trying to escape over an 8 ft high wall. There is considerable photographic and video evidence of the cruelty, and reports in newspapers of numerous incidents of cruelty. Is it sport to terrify an animal so unnecessarily and for what?
A significant aspect regarding the Ward Union Hunt is its hunting of tame domesticated deer. Where is the fairness or the sport in pursuing a domesticated deer — domesticated like your dog or mine — and hunt it down to the point of exhaustion? We are aware of the incident of the stag being hunted into the school yard. Savage hands set on the stag and it was then hunted onto a public road and was pursued until it collapsed, and that is considered sport. Apart from the cruelty to the animals there is also the risk to road users and members of the public.
A significant number of farmers object to their farms and land being invaded, trespassed upon and vandalised, with fences, crops and livestock damaged and destroyed. They want their lands preserved from stag hunting which is threatening their work to produce healthy, quality food. Their “No Hunting” signs are being blatantly ignored by the hunt.
The Ward Union Hunt states that it has implemented a wide range of health and safety measures in recent years. That is equivalent to telling a prisoner that after being tortured a doctor will be on hand to bandage the wounds. What health and safety measures can be brought in that will alleviate deliberate suffering and torture of an animal? That is a total contradiction.
I am fascinated by the notion of monitoring a hunt, which I find ludicrous. Will some of the conditions be that the hounds can bite only five times instead of 20, the stag will be chased for only one hour instead of three or the hunt will use only 20 hounds instead of 40. Perhaps specific injuries will be allowed? How can we tell a hound that it cannot directly kill the deer; just terrify and exhaust it to death.
I represent Dublin Central but I have many affiliations with rural Ireland, including down the road from where the Ward Union Hunt operates. This is not an attack on rural Ireland and to see it portrayed as thus is scare-mongering and deliberately clouding the issue. The Bill simply aims to protect deer from being hounded to exhaustion, injury and death for so-called fun. Is it the view of those opposing the Bill that fun equals subjecting an animal to prolonged and agonising torture and hounding it to death? I support the Bill and hope to see it passed in the House.
15 June 2010 Confidence in the Taoiseach and the Government: Motion
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: Go raibh maith agat don deis a labhartha ar an ábhar seo. On 7 May 2008, some months before his untimely death, my predecessor, the late Deputy Tony Gregory, spoke on the nomination of Deputy Brian Cowen as Taoiseach. On that occasion, he offered his good wishes to Deputy Cowen while also saying he would not be voting for him. He stated he hoped Deputy Cowen would see the justice in taking steps to end the divisive inequalities that exist in Ireland today, in particular in our health service and education and housing sectors. He continued that it was his view that the increasing social inequalities of recent years was the major issue facing all of us elected to the Dáil by the people.
In regard to this motion of confidence in the Taoiseach, I bear those words in mind and ask if justice is being served by this Government under the stewardship of the Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, in the areas of health, education and housing and how much is being done to lessen, never mind completely reduce, social inequality. The positive steps that have been taken are the appointment of real experts, Mr. Patrick Honohan, Mr. Matthew Elderfield, Mr. Regling and Mr. Watson who believe in truth, honesty, transparency and accountability, qualities which sadly have been lacking. It is the lack of those qualities that have been the hallmark of successive Governments.
I welcome the Taoiseach’s statement in his speech that he will continue with examination, analysis and reflection leading to full and fair assessments. Another positive is the full acceptance of the Taoiseach of responsibility for his decisions as Minister for Finance and Taoiseach. I welcome the acknowledgement of the mistakes in management of banks’ excessive risk taking, inadequate financial regulatory controls, property tax incentives that should have been abolished many years before and acknowledgement of failures of corporate governance. However, I note that not once are the words “greed and self interest” used.
“A turning point in our economy” is a phrase that has become somewhat hackneyed at this stage. We may have turned a certain corner statistically — the Taoiseach referred in this regard to a recent OECD outlook — but on the ground in terms of homes, workplaces, community, youth and drugs projects, schools and hospitals we have not turned that corner to optimism. My difficulties lie with the continued propping up of the institutions that have failed this country so drastically owing to those institutions being led by men motivated by greed and self interest and supported by their political friends. Has one developer, banker or board member of those institutions in any way suffered let alone faced appreciable penalties or a prison term? It was gratifying to see the recent apprehension of drug barons, men who brought so much devastation to communities in Ireland. Another group of men involved in banks, financial institutions, property development and speculation have brought equal if not more devastation to our country. I accept the need for due process but these men had no regard for due process. How can I have confidence in a Government and a Taoiseach who leave this unpunished?
Those suffering today because of this recklessness are hardworking families, people who have worked all their lives and are now jobless and young people. I recently visited a school in my constituency and met with the leaving certificate class of 2010. I was struck by their lack of possibilities and how difficult it will be for them to realise their career dreams in this country. Again, it is the vulnerable and poor who are being penalised with cuts in individual allowances, local services, regeneration housing and integrated primary community care. Funding for community swimming pools has been withdrawn and there have been cuts in respite, special needs and learning support. There is no replacement in schools for posts of responsibility. There are cuts in health services and there are not enough places in education and training for the unemployed. Homelessness has increased. What will happen to our commitment to overseas aid?
I wonder if anything has been gained from this debate or from the various activities of other parties during the past two days. I recently received a letter from a constituent who stated she feels helpless, disenfranchised and a victim of other people’s greed and laziness. There are too many examples of increasing social inequality to enable me to support this motion of confidence in the Taoiseach.
In regard to this motion of confidence in the Taoiseach, I bear those words in mind and ask if justice is being served by this Government under the stewardship of the Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, in the areas of health, education and housing and how much is being done to lessen, never mind completely reduce, social inequality. The positive steps that have been taken are the appointment of real experts, Mr. Patrick Honohan, Mr. Matthew Elderfield, Mr. Regling and Mr. Watson who believe in truth, honesty, transparency and accountability, qualities which sadly have been lacking. It is the lack of those qualities that have been the hallmark of successive Governments.
I welcome the Taoiseach’s statement in his speech that he will continue with examination, analysis and reflection leading to full and fair assessments. Another positive is the full acceptance of the Taoiseach of responsibility for his decisions as Minister for Finance and Taoiseach. I welcome the acknowledgement of the mistakes in management of banks’ excessive risk taking, inadequate financial regulatory controls, property tax incentives that should have been abolished many years before and acknowledgement of failures of corporate governance. However, I note that not once are the words “greed and self interest” used.
“A turning point in our economy” is a phrase that has become somewhat hackneyed at this stage. We may have turned a certain corner statistically — the Taoiseach referred in this regard to a recent OECD outlook — but on the ground in terms of homes, workplaces, community, youth and drugs projects, schools and hospitals we have not turned that corner to optimism. My difficulties lie with the continued propping up of the institutions that have failed this country so drastically owing to those institutions being led by men motivated by greed and self interest and supported by their political friends. Has one developer, banker or board member of those institutions in any way suffered let alone faced appreciable penalties or a prison term? It was gratifying to see the recent apprehension of drug barons, men who brought so much devastation to communities in Ireland. Another group of men involved in banks, financial institutions, property development and speculation have brought equal if not more devastation to our country. I accept the need for due process but these men had no regard for due process. How can I have confidence in a Government and a Taoiseach who leave this unpunished?
Those suffering today because of this recklessness are hardworking families, people who have worked all their lives and are now jobless and young people. I recently visited a school in my constituency and met with the leaving certificate class of 2010. I was struck by their lack of possibilities and how difficult it will be for them to realise their career dreams in this country. Again, it is the vulnerable and poor who are being penalised with cuts in individual allowances, local services, regeneration housing and integrated primary community care. Funding for community swimming pools has been withdrawn and there have been cuts in respite, special needs and learning support. There is no replacement in schools for posts of responsibility. There are cuts in health services and there are not enough places in education and training for the unemployed. Homelessness has increased. What will happen to our commitment to overseas aid?
I wonder if anything has been gained from this debate or from the various activities of other parties during the past two days. I recently received a letter from a constituent who stated she feels helpless, disenfranchised and a victim of other people’s greed and laziness. There are too many examples of increasing social inequality to enable me to support this motion of confidence in the Taoiseach.
09 June 10 Implementation of the Ryan Report: Statements
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Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: Last June, when I had the opportunity to speak on the occasion of the publication of the Ryan report on child abuse, I referred to the failure of the many institutions to care for our young people. I also referred to the child abuse in this country as one of the darkest moments in our history. It was our reign of terror, our holocaust, our killing fields. Abuse is a term that should never be associated with childhood nor should terms such as suicide, drug addiction or unlawful killings. Childhood is about fun and laughter, and growing, learning and developing. It is a time when the adults in a child’s life are there to protect and support, and not to degrade, humiliate or ignore.
It is ironic that we discuss the implementation of the Ryan report on a day when thousands of young people are beginning their junior and leaving certificate examinations. They are looking forward to their summer holidays and college or careers as the case may be. I am very conscious of those young people, such as the late Daniel McAnaspie, who did not and now will never get that chance. I am conscious of many young people who at this moment are living in appalling living conditions and are deprived of their rights. I also refer to those foreign national young people who have disappeared from our system and the trafficking of those people also. We have a system of moving foreign national young people at the age 18 from their current address and from their current state of education.
Another irony is that in a time of plenty, our so-called Celtic tiger, so much could have gone into services for vulnerable young people, but it was obviously not a priority at that stage. Accountability is the in word at this stage and I welcome it. It is right that all institutions be accountable. Children in care has become a paradox, a contradiction in terms because so many people who ended up in the care system were not being cared for. However, I acknowledge the work of social workers, youth leaders and teachers who went the extra mile in looking after vulnerable children. I believe the Minister of State is committed to the care of children and I urge him to do what is best for those vulnerable and marginalised young people. We have had enough reports and implementation is now paramount. Actions speak louder than words.
It is ironic that we discuss the implementation of the Ryan report on a day when thousands of young people are beginning their junior and leaving certificate examinations. They are looking forward to their summer holidays and college or careers as the case may be. I am very conscious of those young people, such as the late Daniel McAnaspie, who did not and now will never get that chance. I am conscious of many young people who at this moment are living in appalling living conditions and are deprived of their rights. I also refer to those foreign national young people who have disappeared from our system and the trafficking of those people also. We have a system of moving foreign national young people at the age 18 from their current address and from their current state of education.
Another irony is that in a time of plenty, our so-called Celtic tiger, so much could have gone into services for vulnerable young people, but it was obviously not a priority at that stage. Accountability is the in word at this stage and I welcome it. It is right that all institutions be accountable. Children in care has become a paradox, a contradiction in terms because so many people who ended up in the care system were not being cared for. However, I acknowledge the work of social workers, youth leaders and teachers who went the extra mile in looking after vulnerable children. I believe the Minister of State is committed to the care of children and I urge him to do what is best for those vulnerable and marginalised young people. We have had enough reports and implementation is now paramount. Actions speak louder than words.
25 May 2010 Electoral Representation (Amendment) Bill 2010: Second Stage
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20 May 2010 Electoral (Amendment) Bill 2010: First Stage
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I move:
That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to provide that a by-election be held within a certain period of time following the death or resignation of a sitting TD.
An Ceann Comhairle: Is the Bill opposed?
Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach (Deputy John Curran): No.
An Ceann Comhairle: Since this is a Private Members’ Bill, Second Stage must, under Standing Orders, be taken in Private Members’ time.
Maureen O'Sullivan I move: “That the Bill be taken in Private Members’ time.”
An Ceann Comhairle: Question put and agreed to.
25 May 2010 Electoral Representation (Amendment) Bill 2010: Second Stage
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I wish to share my time with Deputy Finian McGrath.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle: Is that agreed? Agreed.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I acknowledge the role of the Fine Gael Party and Deputy Hogan in my being able to contribute tonight. It is an injustice in our system that I am not able to do so in my own right. Last Thursday, I proposed an electoral (amendment) Bill similar to this but the system precludes me from advancing it at this time. Hence, it is Deputy Hogan’s Bill we are debating now.
I was elected in a by-election and, therefore, have first-hand experience. It was the death of my predecessor, the late Mr. Tony Gregory, that caused the by-election in Dublin Central. Mr. Gregory, as Members know, was a tireless worker in the constituency, as was borne out by the fact that he was re-elected consistently over 27 years. His death on 2 January 2009 meant that Dublin Central was left without one of its entitlements. Four months passed and these comprised a time of anxiety and uncertainty in the constituency for Mr. Gregory’s constituents and his supporters. At that stage, Dublin South had been without its full complement of public representatives for a much longer period. Today Dublin South is again without a Deputy, as are Waterford and Donegal South-West. We are approaching the first anniversary of Donegal South-West lacking its full entitlement.
We either believe in our parliamentary or democratic system or we do not. If we do, we should ensure all our constituents have their full entitlement of Deputies. Are we approaching a system similar to that affecting public sector workers in that when one leaves a post, one is not replaced? It appears this is the system in the Dáil.
I have heard of by-elections as the wrong way to fill a Dáil vacancy and that they are a distraction from the work and business of governing and policy-making. This time last year, I was in the middle of a by-election campaign in Dublin Central. There was also one in Dublin South. This did not equate with political instability and I did not see the country grinding to a halt. The Dáil continued its business, the Government governed and the Opposition opposed. The by-elections came and went and Dublin Central and Dublin South then had their full complement of Deputies.
Alternatives to by-elections are suggested. Options are to choose the next person in line from the most recent election, or to avail of the count-back system or co-option. Co-option would be just a further accentuation of the political dynasty syndrome in the Chamber. A by-election is the fairest and most democratic way to fill a vacancy. I cannot understand why we do not have legislation on this issue. My Bill sets time limits, both minimum and maximum, for the holding of by-elections.
What is holding up or preventing the by-elections? I read an article in a newspaper at the weekend in which the correspondent stated by-elections are “undemocratic and their outcomes unrepresentative because they give voters in a particular constituency a distorted electoral impact.” Are we in a democracy or just paying lip-service to it? It is the right of the voter in a democracy to vote for the candidate of his or her choice. It appears we are afraid of democracy.
Moving the writ for the by-election is at the whim of the political party or parties in power, and they do so at a time of optimum value to them. This is not good enough and not democratic. It is not just or fair to leave a constituency bereft of its entitlement. To the contention that there is a strong trend whereby by-elections produce results against whatever parties are in Government, I say, “So what.” There is no just, valid or fair reason for depriving a constituency of its full complement of public representatives. The present Government may not want by-elections in the foreseeable future in terms of political benefit or otherwise, immediate or long-term, but it may be in opposition at some time and clamouring for a by-election. Moving the writs for by-elections should be out of the hands of the political party in power and made subject to legislation. By achieving this, we would eliminate uncertainty and doubt and circumstances in which constituencies do not have their full complement of Deputies.
I would obviously prefer to be developing my own Bill but at this point I am supporting Deputy Hogan. I appeal to all Members, regardless of the political party to which they belong, to support the Bill in the interests of fairness, justice and democracy.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I move:
That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to provide that a by-election be held within a certain period of time following the death or resignation of a sitting TD.
An Ceann Comhairle: Is the Bill opposed?
Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach (Deputy John Curran): No.
An Ceann Comhairle: Since this is a Private Members’ Bill, Second Stage must, under Standing Orders, be taken in Private Members’ time.
Maureen O'Sullivan I move: “That the Bill be taken in Private Members’ time.”
An Ceann Comhairle: Question put and agreed to.
25 May 2010 Electoral Representation (Amendment) Bill 2010: Second Stage
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I wish to share my time with Deputy Finian McGrath.
An Leas-Cheann Comhairle: Is that agreed? Agreed.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I acknowledge the role of the Fine Gael Party and Deputy Hogan in my being able to contribute tonight. It is an injustice in our system that I am not able to do so in my own right. Last Thursday, I proposed an electoral (amendment) Bill similar to this but the system precludes me from advancing it at this time. Hence, it is Deputy Hogan’s Bill we are debating now.
I was elected in a by-election and, therefore, have first-hand experience. It was the death of my predecessor, the late Mr. Tony Gregory, that caused the by-election in Dublin Central. Mr. Gregory, as Members know, was a tireless worker in the constituency, as was borne out by the fact that he was re-elected consistently over 27 years. His death on 2 January 2009 meant that Dublin Central was left without one of its entitlements. Four months passed and these comprised a time of anxiety and uncertainty in the constituency for Mr. Gregory’s constituents and his supporters. At that stage, Dublin South had been without its full complement of public representatives for a much longer period. Today Dublin South is again without a Deputy, as are Waterford and Donegal South-West. We are approaching the first anniversary of Donegal South-West lacking its full entitlement.
We either believe in our parliamentary or democratic system or we do not. If we do, we should ensure all our constituents have their full entitlement of Deputies. Are we approaching a system similar to that affecting public sector workers in that when one leaves a post, one is not replaced? It appears this is the system in the Dáil.
I have heard of by-elections as the wrong way to fill a Dáil vacancy and that they are a distraction from the work and business of governing and policy-making. This time last year, I was in the middle of a by-election campaign in Dublin Central. There was also one in Dublin South. This did not equate with political instability and I did not see the country grinding to a halt. The Dáil continued its business, the Government governed and the Opposition opposed. The by-elections came and went and Dublin Central and Dublin South then had their full complement of Deputies.
Alternatives to by-elections are suggested. Options are to choose the next person in line from the most recent election, or to avail of the count-back system or co-option. Co-option would be just a further accentuation of the political dynasty syndrome in the Chamber. A by-election is the fairest and most democratic way to fill a vacancy. I cannot understand why we do not have legislation on this issue. My Bill sets time limits, both minimum and maximum, for the holding of by-elections.
What is holding up or preventing the by-elections? I read an article in a newspaper at the weekend in which the correspondent stated by-elections are “undemocratic and their outcomes unrepresentative because they give voters in a particular constituency a distorted electoral impact.” Are we in a democracy or just paying lip-service to it? It is the right of the voter in a democracy to vote for the candidate of his or her choice. It appears we are afraid of democracy.
Moving the writ for the by-election is at the whim of the political party or parties in power, and they do so at a time of optimum value to them. This is not good enough and not democratic. It is not just or fair to leave a constituency bereft of its entitlement. To the contention that there is a strong trend whereby by-elections produce results against whatever parties are in Government, I say, “So what.” There is no just, valid or fair reason for depriving a constituency of its full complement of public representatives. The present Government may not want by-elections in the foreseeable future in terms of political benefit or otherwise, immediate or long-term, but it may be in opposition at some time and clamouring for a by-election. Moving the writs for by-elections should be out of the hands of the political party in power and made subject to legislation. By achieving this, we would eliminate uncertainty and doubt and circumstances in which constituencies do not have their full complement of Deputies.
I would obviously prefer to be developing my own Bill but at this point I am supporting Deputy Hogan. I appeal to all Members, regardless of the political party to which they belong, to support the Bill in the interests of fairness, justice and democracy.
23 September '09 National Asset Management Agency Bill 2009: Second Stage
Click on the image to hear Maureen's speech
Sean O’Casey gave us the lines “the whole world’s in a terrible state of chassis”. This sums up Ireland, in that we are in a state of chassis. Why? It is due to reckless lending on the part of banks and developers chasing profits and increased turnover. It is due to the minimal and at times non-existent State regulation of the banking and financial sectors. It is due to what can only be called an orgy of property speculation based on greed and private gain. It is due to the fact that we seem to lack a vision of the type of country and society in which we want to live. It is due to the unhealthy relationships between bankers, developers, financiers and politicians. Above all, it is due to the fact that this State, especially the Fianna Fáil-led Governments of the past decade, ceased putting the needs of its people above the driving greed of those developers and bankers and, in the process, turned its back on the values of fairness, social justice and equality.
The crisis is also due to speculation in the price of land and the issue of rezoning. Land was rezoned by politicians, banks lent money to the speculators and developers and we are left considering the excessive cost of the tribunals trying to unravel this mess. Why were the recommendations of the Kenny report not implemented, and what do we have to show for this? Heavy mortgages, negative equity, the price of land allowed to move way beyond its actual value, developments of apartment blocks with gated communities inhospitable to families and built with no regard to the existing culture and environment, unlived in estates in towns and villages, rotting hulks of unfinished buildings, massive job losses and, above all, wasted opportunity.
What do the young people I had been teaching until last June have to look forward to? They will have few opportunities for jobs, for the realisation of their many talents and for nurturing their confidence in a safe, cleaner, more equal and friendly society. So much could have been done in the more prosperous years. So much now remains to be repaired in the wake of this Celtic catastrophe.
We can examine the Docklands area of Dublin Central as a microcosm of the macrocosm. Community activists, including the late Mr. Tony Gregory, ceaselessly questioned and opposed the manner of this development because it was based on the greed and profit of developers and bankers, aided by politicians. There are key prime examples of arrested developments and unfinished buildings. It is suggested that they should be left in place as a type of museum, a warning to future generations of what happens when dictatorial greed is the motivating and unifying factor among bankers, developers and politicians.
For me, some of the worst excesses have been the payments, bonuses and expenses of those in high positions in business, banking, finance, development and State agencies, and the easy access to multi-million euro loans, secretively concealed. It appears that here, bonuses are disaster related and not performance related; the bigger the disaster, the bigger the bonus. Consider the wages being paid and what we are getting in return. It is obvious that high wages and bonuses do not necessarily bring the best brains and the most committed to the job. Shakespeare stated there was something rotten in the state of Denmark but, equally, there is something rotten in the state of Ireland.
So much money is being provided for NAMA that it is mind boggling, particularly for those who are struggling, whom I meet every day. I refer to hard-working people losing jobs and homes. My constituents are living in the shadows of fear over what is yet to come. The figures are mind boggling for people on community projects and drugs projects that are facing uncertainty. They are mind boggling for the people living in locations such as O’Devaney Gardens, Croke Villas who were left shattered by the collapse of the public private partnerships, and for those trying to survive on social welfare payments.
I accept we need a functioning banking system for the efficient operation of the economy but that functioning banking system must be open, transparent, honest, accountable and responsible. My concern is that we are giving the same people who let us down the task of saving the country. They were not open, honest or responsible but reckless, greedy, selfish and motivated by private gain. They just took and gave nothing in return and still refuse to accept responsibility for the economic collapse. These people have let us down and they must not be allowed to do so again.
The Taoiseach rightly said he wants to return the country to growth for the benefit of all. Is NAMA the right way to do this? I wish to believe those proposing and supporting NAMA are doing so with the best interests of the people at heart. I accept every solution to the current economic crisis involves risk. A very significant risk associated with NAMA is the fact that the lands bought by developers at excessively high prices, and whose price has now collapsed, will at some time increase in value again. Will that set in motion the exact cycle that has brought us to the point of economic and social “chassis”?
No matter what solution is put forward — NAMA, nationalising the banks, temporarily or otherwise, or having a good bank-bad bank arrangement — there must be certain minimum requirements. These include absolute protection for the taxpayer, who should not have to pay for the blunders of the bankers and the sins of the speculators, as many are now doing; strict [76]and independent regulation of the banking and financial sector and accountability in the Dáil; a complete clear-out of directors and senior staff responsible for these disasters; stringent regulation of salaries, bonuses and dividends; and mechanisms to ensure the banks and financial institutions release funds for productive and social purposes and do not use taxpayers’ money for private investment or as a counterweight on deposit for some other far-flung foreign investments. Risks must not be shouldered by the taxpayer and those on social welfare, and buildings, sites and assets should be used in a creative and socially beneficial way. Above all, a responsible, honest functioning banking system with a social conscience is required. We must get it right and we must be guided by principles of fairness, social justice and equality.
The crisis is also due to speculation in the price of land and the issue of rezoning. Land was rezoned by politicians, banks lent money to the speculators and developers and we are left considering the excessive cost of the tribunals trying to unravel this mess. Why were the recommendations of the Kenny report not implemented, and what do we have to show for this? Heavy mortgages, negative equity, the price of land allowed to move way beyond its actual value, developments of apartment blocks with gated communities inhospitable to families and built with no regard to the existing culture and environment, unlived in estates in towns and villages, rotting hulks of unfinished buildings, massive job losses and, above all, wasted opportunity.
What do the young people I had been teaching until last June have to look forward to? They will have few opportunities for jobs, for the realisation of their many talents and for nurturing their confidence in a safe, cleaner, more equal and friendly society. So much could have been done in the more prosperous years. So much now remains to be repaired in the wake of this Celtic catastrophe.
We can examine the Docklands area of Dublin Central as a microcosm of the macrocosm. Community activists, including the late Mr. Tony Gregory, ceaselessly questioned and opposed the manner of this development because it was based on the greed and profit of developers and bankers, aided by politicians. There are key prime examples of arrested developments and unfinished buildings. It is suggested that they should be left in place as a type of museum, a warning to future generations of what happens when dictatorial greed is the motivating and unifying factor among bankers, developers and politicians.
For me, some of the worst excesses have been the payments, bonuses and expenses of those in high positions in business, banking, finance, development and State agencies, and the easy access to multi-million euro loans, secretively concealed. It appears that here, bonuses are disaster related and not performance related; the bigger the disaster, the bigger the bonus. Consider the wages being paid and what we are getting in return. It is obvious that high wages and bonuses do not necessarily bring the best brains and the most committed to the job. Shakespeare stated there was something rotten in the state of Denmark but, equally, there is something rotten in the state of Ireland.
So much money is being provided for NAMA that it is mind boggling, particularly for those who are struggling, whom I meet every day. I refer to hard-working people losing jobs and homes. My constituents are living in the shadows of fear over what is yet to come. The figures are mind boggling for people on community projects and drugs projects that are facing uncertainty. They are mind boggling for the people living in locations such as O’Devaney Gardens, Croke Villas who were left shattered by the collapse of the public private partnerships, and for those trying to survive on social welfare payments.
I accept we need a functioning banking system for the efficient operation of the economy but that functioning banking system must be open, transparent, honest, accountable and responsible. My concern is that we are giving the same people who let us down the task of saving the country. They were not open, honest or responsible but reckless, greedy, selfish and motivated by private gain. They just took and gave nothing in return and still refuse to accept responsibility for the economic collapse. These people have let us down and they must not be allowed to do so again.
The Taoiseach rightly said he wants to return the country to growth for the benefit of all. Is NAMA the right way to do this? I wish to believe those proposing and supporting NAMA are doing so with the best interests of the people at heart. I accept every solution to the current economic crisis involves risk. A very significant risk associated with NAMA is the fact that the lands bought by developers at excessively high prices, and whose price has now collapsed, will at some time increase in value again. Will that set in motion the exact cycle that has brought us to the point of economic and social “chassis”?
No matter what solution is put forward — NAMA, nationalising the banks, temporarily or otherwise, or having a good bank-bad bank arrangement — there must be certain minimum requirements. These include absolute protection for the taxpayer, who should not have to pay for the blunders of the bankers and the sins of the speculators, as many are now doing; strict [76]and independent regulation of the banking and financial sector and accountability in the Dáil; a complete clear-out of directors and senior staff responsible for these disasters; stringent regulation of salaries, bonuses and dividends; and mechanisms to ensure the banks and financial institutions release funds for productive and social purposes and do not use taxpayers’ money for private investment or as a counterweight on deposit for some other far-flung foreign investments. Risks must not be shouldered by the taxpayer and those on social welfare, and buildings, sites and assets should be used in a creative and socially beneficial way. Above all, a responsible, honest functioning banking system with a social conscience is required. We must get it right and we must be guided by principles of fairness, social justice and equality.
11 June' 09 Ryan Report on the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse: Motion (Resumed)
Click on image t hear Maureen's speech
I commend the Taoiseach on his speech today and hope the recommendations in it, those in the report and the recommendations of the victims are followed.
How could our institutions — the State, the various Departments, the legal system, gardaí, judges and other institutions such as the religious orders — have failed so appallingly? As a teacher of history, I have taught about the Reign of Terror, the Holocaust and the killing fields of Cambodia. Now the history books will include chapters on our reign of terror, which was the physical, emotional and sexual abuse of children. As a teacher, I know what it means for a child to feel welcome in a school, to get the praise, the kind words and the encouragement. I know the difference that positive affirmation makes and how children learn and grow in that type of environment. However, the experiences of these children were all negative and hurtful. They suffered. That pain and anger have been very evident, particularly yesterday at the march.
Different types of help are needed. First, I find it offensive that the word “deal” can be used when talking about help. I feel also that when help is monetary it must not be swallowed up in bureaucracy or in legal fees.
I wish to mention a group of abused who do not wish to hear any more stories in the media because this is hurting them too much. They need a different type of help. As somebody who chaired the north inner-city drugs task force, I was constantly aware that those who were abused may turn to alcohol and drugs. I knew about the effects on their families as well as the other devastating effects of their having been institutionalised. Yeats wrote about a childish day being turned to tragedy. How many childish days were turned to tragedy in those years?
This is not a time for rhetoric, posturing or one-upmanship. This is a time for peace for those who have been hurt. However, they cannot have peace without justice and, therefore, I endorse the agreed motion.
How could our institutions — the State, the various Departments, the legal system, gardaí, judges and other institutions such as the religious orders — have failed so appallingly? As a teacher of history, I have taught about the Reign of Terror, the Holocaust and the killing fields of Cambodia. Now the history books will include chapters on our reign of terror, which was the physical, emotional and sexual abuse of children. As a teacher, I know what it means for a child to feel welcome in a school, to get the praise, the kind words and the encouragement. I know the difference that positive affirmation makes and how children learn and grow in that type of environment. However, the experiences of these children were all negative and hurtful. They suffered. That pain and anger have been very evident, particularly yesterday at the march.
Different types of help are needed. First, I find it offensive that the word “deal” can be used when talking about help. I feel also that when help is monetary it must not be swallowed up in bureaucracy or in legal fees.
I wish to mention a group of abused who do not wish to hear any more stories in the media because this is hurting them too much. They need a different type of help. As somebody who chaired the north inner-city drugs task force, I was constantly aware that those who were abused may turn to alcohol and drugs. I knew about the effects on their families as well as the other devastating effects of their having been institutionalised. Yeats wrote about a childish day being turned to tragedy. How many childish days were turned to tragedy in those years?
This is not a time for rhetoric, posturing or one-upmanship. This is a time for peace for those who have been hurt. However, they cannot have peace without justice and, therefore, I endorse the agreed motion.
Maureen's 1st Dáil speech 10 June 2009 Confidence in Government: Motion
Click on image to hear speech
Acting Cathaoirleach Noel O'Flynn TD: I call on Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan who is sharing time with Deputies Behan and Finian McGrath. I welcome Deputy O’Sullivan to the House. This is her maiden speech and as is the custom I do not expect there will be any sabre-rattling from this side of the House. I am sure the other Members will respect the dignity and decorum of the House and allow the Member to address the House without interruption.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh, toisc gur thug tú spás cainte dom inniu. I am sharing my time with Deputies Behan and Finian McGrath.
I truly wish I was not standing here today because the reason I am doing so is the untimely and sad death of my good friend and colleague, Tony Gregory. Tony was dedicated to the people he represented in Dublin Central and he brought that dedication here into the Dáil and he brought it into Dublin City Council. He served the people and the issues they presented to him and he did so in a very genuine and honest way. It is relevant, therefore, that I speak today.
I am not an economist nor do I have a variety of statistics to hand or reports from which I can quote but I wonder what those statistics and reports mean in the real world and what these debates mean and what help and consolation they are bringing to the man or woman who has lost a job and who is now facing losing his or her home. I wonder what they mean to the bright, wonderful young people whom I have been teaching for over 35 years and who do not have the same prospects today that others had years ago. I wonder how much value those statistics and reports have for the preschool in Dorset Street opposite the Dorset Street flats which is facing closure; to Gaelscoil Bharra in Cabra which is still in prefabs many years later; to the people on FÁS training schemes who are losing those spaces; and particularly to people on FÁS schemes who have lost their six hours literacy programme. That six hours literacy programme was for people who had missed out on basic education the first time around.
What do the statistics, reports and economic jargon mean to people on community, youth and drugs projects who are losing places and funding? What do they mean for children with special needs, those in need of learning support and those who have been abused? Are they filled with confidence and hope that the Members of this House and particularly those in government, will do the right thing for them? These are all victims of the mismanagement of the economy and they are waiting for action to be taken.
It was the policies, the incompetence and the irresponsibility of Governments that wasted the fruits of the economic good times and we now face these serious economic and social problems. For me it is immoral and evil that millions of euro can be found to compensate and to cover the mistakes of those in industry, banking, property and in the political world, who should have been guided by a social moral conscience instead of, as they were, by profit, greed and selfishness.
The endorsement I received as an Independent candidate and as the heir of Tony Gregory from the people of Dublin Central, from East Wall to the Navan Road, from Ballybough to Drumcondra, from Smithfield to Cabra, from Sheriff Street to Glasnevin and Phibsboro, a wide variety of areas, was not just in part an anti-Government vote but also a vote for what Tony Gregory stood for and for what I too am standing for.
I am leaving a job as a teacher in St. Mary’s secondary school in Baldoyle which I have done for over 35 years and some people are saying to me I might not be out of it for too long. I worked there with the support of colleagues and wonderful young people and it was a place where there was no room for platitudes, clichés or bombast. It was a place where a job had to be done and it could be done in a nice, honest, caring way. I was told to look on the Dáil as just a bigger classroom so I hope to bring those qualities here which would mean putting people and communities first, especially those who are marginalised, vulnerable and needy.
The most fitting tribute to commemorate Tony Gregory would be to stay true to his beliefs, to his principles and to ensure that social justice and fairness are at the core of any political agenda. The only Government I can support is the one which puts social justice and fairness at the core of its principles and policies.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh, toisc gur thug tú spás cainte dom inniu. I am sharing my time with Deputies Behan and Finian McGrath.
I truly wish I was not standing here today because the reason I am doing so is the untimely and sad death of my good friend and colleague, Tony Gregory. Tony was dedicated to the people he represented in Dublin Central and he brought that dedication here into the Dáil and he brought it into Dublin City Council. He served the people and the issues they presented to him and he did so in a very genuine and honest way. It is relevant, therefore, that I speak today.
I am not an economist nor do I have a variety of statistics to hand or reports from which I can quote but I wonder what those statistics and reports mean in the real world and what these debates mean and what help and consolation they are bringing to the man or woman who has lost a job and who is now facing losing his or her home. I wonder what they mean to the bright, wonderful young people whom I have been teaching for over 35 years and who do not have the same prospects today that others had years ago. I wonder how much value those statistics and reports have for the preschool in Dorset Street opposite the Dorset Street flats which is facing closure; to Gaelscoil Bharra in Cabra which is still in prefabs many years later; to the people on FÁS training schemes who are losing those spaces; and particularly to people on FÁS schemes who have lost their six hours literacy programme. That six hours literacy programme was for people who had missed out on basic education the first time around.
What do the statistics, reports and economic jargon mean to people on community, youth and drugs projects who are losing places and funding? What do they mean for children with special needs, those in need of learning support and those who have been abused? Are they filled with confidence and hope that the Members of this House and particularly those in government, will do the right thing for them? These are all victims of the mismanagement of the economy and they are waiting for action to be taken.
It was the policies, the incompetence and the irresponsibility of Governments that wasted the fruits of the economic good times and we now face these serious economic and social problems. For me it is immoral and evil that millions of euro can be found to compensate and to cover the mistakes of those in industry, banking, property and in the political world, who should have been guided by a social moral conscience instead of, as they were, by profit, greed and selfishness.
The endorsement I received as an Independent candidate and as the heir of Tony Gregory from the people of Dublin Central, from East Wall to the Navan Road, from Ballybough to Drumcondra, from Smithfield to Cabra, from Sheriff Street to Glasnevin and Phibsboro, a wide variety of areas, was not just in part an anti-Government vote but also a vote for what Tony Gregory stood for and for what I too am standing for.
I am leaving a job as a teacher in St. Mary’s secondary school in Baldoyle which I have done for over 35 years and some people are saying to me I might not be out of it for too long. I worked there with the support of colleagues and wonderful young people and it was a place where there was no room for platitudes, clichés or bombast. It was a place where a job had to be done and it could be done in a nice, honest, caring way. I was told to look on the Dáil as just a bigger classroom so I hope to bring those qualities here which would mean putting people and communities first, especially those who are marginalised, vulnerable and needy.
The most fitting tribute to commemorate Tony Gregory would be to stay true to his beliefs, to his principles and to ensure that social justice and fairness are at the core of any political agenda. The only Government I can support is the one which puts social justice and fairness at the core of its principles and policies.
