31 May Oireachtas & Government Reform Motion
Click to hear Maureen speak
There are many committed, hard-working sensible Deputies throughout the House, in parties and not in parties who want to bring about change not only for the sake of change but because change is needed. Our motion states that we want change to rebuild Ireland’s political system into an effective, accountable, transparent, representative and participatory institution. Wisdom, common sense, insight, vision and a desire to be meaningful and effective are not confined to those in government, in this case Fine Gael and the Labour Party or, if I had been speaking a year ago, Fianna Fáil and the Green Party. It does not follow that as soon as one crosses the Chamber into government automatically wisdom and insight are instilled. Those in opposition are not lacking in those qualities. We need to move from the adversarial nature of politics so when an issue presents itself everyone is not only given the space and speaking time to articulate views on it but there is a genuine way to engage and for Government parties of whatever political persuasion to acknowledge they do not have the monopoly on wisdom and what is best for the country.We are part of a very powerful system which has been dominant and continues to dominate, making it difficult to bring about change. Often, we express our frustration at the system and our apparent inability to change it. There is a genuine desire for change and we cannot allow the system to dominate this desire. As it stands, power is with the Cabinet. It is almost like that as soon as the elections are over and the Cabinet positions distributed, the rest of the Deputies can toddle off home. Other than being a thorn in the side of the establishment, valuable and all as that is, what is the role of Opposition Deputies if most of what is said in opposition is not taken seriously or in a way that can bring about real change?
It looks as though the new arrangements for committees are being presented as a fait accompli. I have been on committees all my life and the most effective committees are those with small numbers and a very definite focused piece of work. A committee must be meaningful. There must be a consistent interested membership with a real role. Committees need people with a genuine interest in its work and not there just to make up the numbers.
Some time ago, we had statements on committees and I wonder how much of that debate has seen its way into the new system of committees. The new committees proposed for the Dáil are heavy in numbers with wide briefs to cover a huge range of areas. This will be cumbersome and will prevent real work. They will be dominated by the Government parties and I want to know why the cherries are given to Government Deputies only. Is this democratic? There should be no remuneration for chairing. Adequate time for meetings is needed, scheduled to avoid interruptions by bells for votes. If people or Departments come before a committee there must be a valid reason with an outcome in mind. Each meeting should have an item on the agenda of actions decided that is followed up at future meetings. Our motion seeks an increase in the powers of committees to allow for input before the initial drafting of legislation.
In regard to Private Members’ time, if I am a member of a political grouping or party which proposes a motion, I must automatically agree with it. If I am part of the grouping or party which tables the amendment, I must automatically agree with that. However, as an Independent, I have the luxury of considering the motion. I do not have a political party agenda and I can act based on the principles in which I believe - principles of social justice and fairness. In the past I have found myself agreeing with aspects of the motion and aspects of the amendment. I then face a dilemma when it comes to a vote. Surely, in Private Members’ time at least, the party whip system could be removed to allow for genuine debate.
In regard to questions, what is the point in having questions to the Taoiseach in one time section with the exact same questions later on? There is a need for space to question the Taoiseach but there needs to be a way to tackle the repetition. Questions to Ministers are vital with the right to supplementary questions and I would like that extended to matters on the Adjournment when the answer provided does not answer the question. We need more time for questions to the Taoiseach and Ministers and we need a topical issues section.
Why are questions taken on proposed legislation when a call to the Bills Office would elicit the same information? The danger is that because we have done something in the same way for so long, it is easier to keep going in that way rather than look at the efficiency or otherwise of it and try to bring about change.
I support what Deputy Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan said about local government. The next local government elections will be in 2014 so now is the time to get moving on that debate. I spent some months on Dublin City Council and I was always struck by the number of public servants at meetings, which were at double figures, and the number of public representatives, which was a single figure. I was amazed at times by the inefficiency of that system.
We come to the House to speak on legislation, statements and Private Members’ time but what is the point if the Government has already made up its mind on them? Statements should be a way to develop policy on an issue.
In regard to reducing the number of Deputies, we should first look at the work of Deputies and the numbers will follow from that. The same should apply to the Seanad. Let us look at what it is supposed to do and how that can be done better before deciding to abolish it.
I was very fortunate to be a teacher for many years. I knew I was in a career in which I made a difference. I am not saying I was indispensable; I do not believe anybody is but I know I made a difference. I would like to be able to say in whatever time I spent here that I can make a difference but sometimes the system we have prevents that.
It looks as though the new arrangements for committees are being presented as a fait accompli. I have been on committees all my life and the most effective committees are those with small numbers and a very definite focused piece of work. A committee must be meaningful. There must be a consistent interested membership with a real role. Committees need people with a genuine interest in its work and not there just to make up the numbers.
Some time ago, we had statements on committees and I wonder how much of that debate has seen its way into the new system of committees. The new committees proposed for the Dáil are heavy in numbers with wide briefs to cover a huge range of areas. This will be cumbersome and will prevent real work. They will be dominated by the Government parties and I want to know why the cherries are given to Government Deputies only. Is this democratic? There should be no remuneration for chairing. Adequate time for meetings is needed, scheduled to avoid interruptions by bells for votes. If people or Departments come before a committee there must be a valid reason with an outcome in mind. Each meeting should have an item on the agenda of actions decided that is followed up at future meetings. Our motion seeks an increase in the powers of committees to allow for input before the initial drafting of legislation.
In regard to Private Members’ time, if I am a member of a political grouping or party which proposes a motion, I must automatically agree with it. If I am part of the grouping or party which tables the amendment, I must automatically agree with that. However, as an Independent, I have the luxury of considering the motion. I do not have a political party agenda and I can act based on the principles in which I believe - principles of social justice and fairness. In the past I have found myself agreeing with aspects of the motion and aspects of the amendment. I then face a dilemma when it comes to a vote. Surely, in Private Members’ time at least, the party whip system could be removed to allow for genuine debate.
In regard to questions, what is the point in having questions to the Taoiseach in one time section with the exact same questions later on? There is a need for space to question the Taoiseach but there needs to be a way to tackle the repetition. Questions to Ministers are vital with the right to supplementary questions and I would like that extended to matters on the Adjournment when the answer provided does not answer the question. We need more time for questions to the Taoiseach and Ministers and we need a topical issues section.
Why are questions taken on proposed legislation when a call to the Bills Office would elicit the same information? The danger is that because we have done something in the same way for so long, it is easier to keep going in that way rather than look at the efficiency or otherwise of it and try to bring about change.
I support what Deputy Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan said about local government. The next local government elections will be in 2014 so now is the time to get moving on that debate. I spent some months on Dublin City Council and I was always struck by the number of public servants at meetings, which were at double figures, and the number of public representatives, which was a single figure. I was amazed at times by the inefficiency of that system.
We come to the House to speak on legislation, statements and Private Members’ time but what is the point if the Government has already made up its mind on them? Statements should be a way to develop policy on an issue.
In regard to reducing the number of Deputies, we should first look at the work of Deputies and the numbers will follow from that. The same should apply to the Seanad. Let us look at what it is supposed to do and how that can be done better before deciding to abolish it.
I was very fortunate to be a teacher for many years. I knew I was in a career in which I made a difference. I am not saying I was indispensable; I do not believe anybody is but I know I made a difference. I would like to be able to say in whatever time I spent here that I can make a difference but sometimes the system we have prevents that.
31 May Criminal Justice Bill Second Stage
Click to hear Maureen's statement
I wish to share time with Deputies Healy, Wallace, Ross and Tom Fleming. I find the term “white collar crime” rather strange because in the psychology of colour, white is associated with innocence and goodness. It is strange to see “white” and “crime” in the same sentence. However, the amount of damage done to this country in the name of such crime is immense.
The question must be asked as to whether there is a need for this legislation or whether there is already enough to pursue those in the wrong. If we have the enforcement measures to deal with this type of crime, they are not being used to their full potential. It is a serious issue if legislation exists but it has not been used to go after those who caused irreparable damage to this country. That would be disgraceful.
There is a real perception in the country that those who were reckless in banking, finance, investment and business have gone unpunished while our prisons are full with those who have committed far lesser crimes. There is no doubt that there is a loss of faith in our criminal justice system, with the perception that those with money can get away scot free or relatively scot free. This will be compounded if it is proven, as some in the legal profession say, that there was enough in the Central Bank and Financial Services Authority Acts of 2003 and 2004 to use against those in the wrong.
The faith of the public will not be restored in the legal system if those who have done wrong continue to be seen to go unpunished and are left with their lavish lifestyles, multiple properties in a variety of names and offshore accounts. The issue of morality also arises in that they are not taking responsibility for their wrongdoing. The slow pace of the current investigations into the banking and financial wrongdoing is not helping to restore faith in the criminal justice system. It is accepted that white collar crime is often complex and involves large amounts of data, and the questioning and checking of facts cannot be completed as quickly as is the case for other crimes. It is hoped, therefore, that breaking the period of questioning into segments will facilitate investigations.
I note the sections of the Bill which give the Garda power to apply to the District Court for orders to compel witnesses to produce documents and provide passwords where the information is held on a computer. It is important, however, that investigating gardaí know what they are looking for. Will they be given the necessary training in accessing and categorising documents? The proposals in this regard have to work in practice as well as sounding good on paper. If Garda special units are not trained in the skills needed to deal with complex documents and analyse figures and accounts, the Bill will have little or no impact.
Section 19 provides for a new offence relating to the failure to report information to the Garda. Certain people have been reluctant to make statements assisting the Garda because we do not tell tales in this country. We need more telling of tales by people who are aware that wrongdoing has occurred, whether fraud, money laundering, theft, bribery or corruption. In the interest of justice, when people have the moral conviction to expose wrongdoing they have to be supported and protected if they fear repercussion. Legislation on protecting whistleblowers is needed and I note the call by Transparency International Ireland to adopt a generic whistleblower protection law which would cover whistleblowers in the public, private and non-profit sectors. In the absence of such protection, the existing provisions on whistleblower protection should be extended as an interim measure.
Anglo Irish Bank is unreasonably prolonging an investigation by claiming legal privilege, perhaps in the hope that the longer it is dragged out the less likely it is that it will lead to a significant resolution. It is hoped that the Bill will quicken the determination of privilege.
I will conclude with a practical point regarding original legal documents. I understand that if documents are signed and dated in blue ink they are more difficult to copy. Advantage could perhaps be taken of that potential in financial situations.
The question must be asked as to whether there is a need for this legislation or whether there is already enough to pursue those in the wrong. If we have the enforcement measures to deal with this type of crime, they are not being used to their full potential. It is a serious issue if legislation exists but it has not been used to go after those who caused irreparable damage to this country. That would be disgraceful.
There is a real perception in the country that those who were reckless in banking, finance, investment and business have gone unpunished while our prisons are full with those who have committed far lesser crimes. There is no doubt that there is a loss of faith in our criminal justice system, with the perception that those with money can get away scot free or relatively scot free. This will be compounded if it is proven, as some in the legal profession say, that there was enough in the Central Bank and Financial Services Authority Acts of 2003 and 2004 to use against those in the wrong.
The faith of the public will not be restored in the legal system if those who have done wrong continue to be seen to go unpunished and are left with their lavish lifestyles, multiple properties in a variety of names and offshore accounts. The issue of morality also arises in that they are not taking responsibility for their wrongdoing. The slow pace of the current investigations into the banking and financial wrongdoing is not helping to restore faith in the criminal justice system. It is accepted that white collar crime is often complex and involves large amounts of data, and the questioning and checking of facts cannot be completed as quickly as is the case for other crimes. It is hoped, therefore, that breaking the period of questioning into segments will facilitate investigations.
I note the sections of the Bill which give the Garda power to apply to the District Court for orders to compel witnesses to produce documents and provide passwords where the information is held on a computer. It is important, however, that investigating gardaí know what they are looking for. Will they be given the necessary training in accessing and categorising documents? The proposals in this regard have to work in practice as well as sounding good on paper. If Garda special units are not trained in the skills needed to deal with complex documents and analyse figures and accounts, the Bill will have little or no impact.
Section 19 provides for a new offence relating to the failure to report information to the Garda. Certain people have been reluctant to make statements assisting the Garda because we do not tell tales in this country. We need more telling of tales by people who are aware that wrongdoing has occurred, whether fraud, money laundering, theft, bribery or corruption. In the interest of justice, when people have the moral conviction to expose wrongdoing they have to be supported and protected if they fear repercussion. Legislation on protecting whistleblowers is needed and I note the call by Transparency International Ireland to adopt a generic whistleblower protection law which would cover whistleblowers in the public, private and non-profit sectors. In the absence of such protection, the existing provisions on whistleblower protection should be extended as an interim measure.
Anglo Irish Bank is unreasonably prolonging an investigation by claiming legal privilege, perhaps in the hope that the longer it is dragged out the less likely it is that it will lead to a significant resolution. It is hoped that the Bill will quicken the determination of privilege.
I will conclude with a practical point regarding original legal documents. I understand that if documents are signed and dated in blue ink they are more difficult to copy. Advantage could perhaps be taken of that potential in financial situations.
31 May National Drugs Strategy Priority Question
Click to hear exchange on Priority Question
Question 42. Maureen O’Sullivan asked the Minister for Health and Children his views on the fact that the drugs issue, affecting many individual and families in every town and village across the country, will get the necessary support and attention; his plans for greater collaboration and integration for addiction and mental health programmes; and his plans for the drugs advisory group and the oversight forum on drugs in implementing the national drugs strategy.
Deputy Róisín Shortall: The Government decided to transfer the functions of the Department of Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs relating to the NDS to the Department of Health and Children with effect from 1 May 2011. I have been asked by the Minister to take the lead role in this area.
The Government is committed to addressing problem drug use in a comprehensive way and this is made clear in the programme for Government. Our overall strategic objective is to tackle the harm caused to individuals and society by the misuse of drugs through a concerted focus on the five pillars of supply reduction, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and research. The actions set out in the National Drugs Strategy 2009-2016 facilitate a planned and monitored approach to achieving the overall strategic aims.
The NDS is a cross cutting area of public policy and service delivery and it is based on a co-ordinated approach across many Departments and agencies in conjunction with the community and voluntary sectors. The institutional arrangements to support cross agency working, advise on operational and policy matters, assess progress across the strategy and address any operational difficulties include the drugs advisory group and the oversight forum on drugs. I intend that the work of these bodies will continue, as has been the case up to now. The national advisory committee on drugs also plays a key role and there are no plans to alter its functions.
In excess of €33 million has been allocated to the drugs initiative this year and the majority of expenditure is allocated to local and regional drugs task forces. They have allocated funding [636]to projects and initiatives based on priorities identified in their respective areas. This allocation is only part of a much larger expenditure programme on drugs services by the other bodies involved in tackling drug misuse, not least of which is my Department.
I am familiar with the ongoing issues relating to the drugs problem in communities and the initiatives that have been taken to address them. The difficulties facing our society as a consequence of problem drug use are significant and addressing all the factors involved will not be an easy task but I am determined that progress will be made during the Government’s term of office on this important issue.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: My concern arises because it was felt that the drugs issue would not be taken as seriously as Cabinet level as previously and the issue will not be covered specifically by any Cabinet sub-committees. I acknowledge responsibility has transferred to the Department of Health and Children but drugs is very much a community-based problem for many people. We have good, effective community-based drug projects in Dublin Central in the north inner city, including SAOL, Soilse, Crinan, the Cavan Centre, Chrysalis and Oasis. Will the Minister of State ensure their funding will not be cut? They provide an outstanding service with a limited budget. Where stands the inclusion of the alcohol strategy in the NDS?
Deputy Róisín Shortall: I agree with the Deputy that valuable work is being done by community-based drug projects and I am familiar with those in my constituency and other Dublin constituencies. There is no question of them discontinuing. Funding has been set aside for this year and that will continue to be available. The key work under the national drugs strategy is done by the local drugs task forces and it will continue apace. The oversight of that work will also continue.
With regard to implementation of the strategy, there is an oversight committee, which I will chair, and that will continue to meet on a quarterly basis and identify any logjams, difficulties or delays in implementing the strategy. We are, therefore, serious about ensuring it is implemented in full. In addition, the Minister will be responsible for this issue at Cabinet level and it will continue to have a voice at the Cabinet table. The Cabinet sub-committee on social exclusion will deal with this issue as well and many of the officials involved in the oversight will feed into the sub-committee. It will receive attention there and the sub-committee will meet later this week. I will attend that meeting and I will be a voice in respect of the NDS.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: More deaths results from drugs and alcohol-related issues, including suicide, than from road traffic accidents. Significant resources are devoted to road safety and I do not begrudge that but we need the same emphasis on drug-related deaths. When something new emerges, for example, crystal meth, it should be tackled quickly. Is that being considered?
Deputy Róisín Shortall: With regard to the Deputy’s earlier question, the alcohol strategy will be included in the national drugs strategy. It was scheduled to happen this year. I have a particular interest in this area and I want to ensure it is addressed in the NDS. Alcohol abuse is a serious social problem and alcohol is also a gateway to the abuse of other substances. For that reason, it will be included in the NDS and I want early progress on that, particularly in respect of the enforcement of the law on underage drinking. I hope to report back on that over the coming months.
The purpose of the oversight committee is to address issues such as crystal meth and other developments relating to illegal drugs. All the relevant bodies are represented at a senior level and one of the committee’s functions is to update all the members on current trends in respect [637]of drug misuse. I give an assurance that all of the relevant agencies are represented at a senior level. I will convene the first meeting of the oversight committee in the coming weeks.
Deputy Róisín Shortall: The Government decided to transfer the functions of the Department of Community, Equality and Gaeltacht Affairs relating to the NDS to the Department of Health and Children with effect from 1 May 2011. I have been asked by the Minister to take the lead role in this area.
The Government is committed to addressing problem drug use in a comprehensive way and this is made clear in the programme for Government. Our overall strategic objective is to tackle the harm caused to individuals and society by the misuse of drugs through a concerted focus on the five pillars of supply reduction, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation and research. The actions set out in the National Drugs Strategy 2009-2016 facilitate a planned and monitored approach to achieving the overall strategic aims.
The NDS is a cross cutting area of public policy and service delivery and it is based on a co-ordinated approach across many Departments and agencies in conjunction with the community and voluntary sectors. The institutional arrangements to support cross agency working, advise on operational and policy matters, assess progress across the strategy and address any operational difficulties include the drugs advisory group and the oversight forum on drugs. I intend that the work of these bodies will continue, as has been the case up to now. The national advisory committee on drugs also plays a key role and there are no plans to alter its functions.
In excess of €33 million has been allocated to the drugs initiative this year and the majority of expenditure is allocated to local and regional drugs task forces. They have allocated funding [636]to projects and initiatives based on priorities identified in their respective areas. This allocation is only part of a much larger expenditure programme on drugs services by the other bodies involved in tackling drug misuse, not least of which is my Department.
I am familiar with the ongoing issues relating to the drugs problem in communities and the initiatives that have been taken to address them. The difficulties facing our society as a consequence of problem drug use are significant and addressing all the factors involved will not be an easy task but I am determined that progress will be made during the Government’s term of office on this important issue.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: My concern arises because it was felt that the drugs issue would not be taken as seriously as Cabinet level as previously and the issue will not be covered specifically by any Cabinet sub-committees. I acknowledge responsibility has transferred to the Department of Health and Children but drugs is very much a community-based problem for many people. We have good, effective community-based drug projects in Dublin Central in the north inner city, including SAOL, Soilse, Crinan, the Cavan Centre, Chrysalis and Oasis. Will the Minister of State ensure their funding will not be cut? They provide an outstanding service with a limited budget. Where stands the inclusion of the alcohol strategy in the NDS?
Deputy Róisín Shortall: I agree with the Deputy that valuable work is being done by community-based drug projects and I am familiar with those in my constituency and other Dublin constituencies. There is no question of them discontinuing. Funding has been set aside for this year and that will continue to be available. The key work under the national drugs strategy is done by the local drugs task forces and it will continue apace. The oversight of that work will also continue.
With regard to implementation of the strategy, there is an oversight committee, which I will chair, and that will continue to meet on a quarterly basis and identify any logjams, difficulties or delays in implementing the strategy. We are, therefore, serious about ensuring it is implemented in full. In addition, the Minister will be responsible for this issue at Cabinet level and it will continue to have a voice at the Cabinet table. The Cabinet sub-committee on social exclusion will deal with this issue as well and many of the officials involved in the oversight will feed into the sub-committee. It will receive attention there and the sub-committee will meet later this week. I will attend that meeting and I will be a voice in respect of the NDS.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: More deaths results from drugs and alcohol-related issues, including suicide, than from road traffic accidents. Significant resources are devoted to road safety and I do not begrudge that but we need the same emphasis on drug-related deaths. When something new emerges, for example, crystal meth, it should be tackled quickly. Is that being considered?
Deputy Róisín Shortall: With regard to the Deputy’s earlier question, the alcohol strategy will be included in the national drugs strategy. It was scheduled to happen this year. I have a particular interest in this area and I want to ensure it is addressed in the NDS. Alcohol abuse is a serious social problem and alcohol is also a gateway to the abuse of other substances. For that reason, it will be included in the NDS and I want early progress on that, particularly in respect of the enforcement of the law on underage drinking. I hope to report back on that over the coming months.
The purpose of the oversight committee is to address issues such as crystal meth and other developments relating to illegal drugs. All the relevant bodies are represented at a senior level and one of the committee’s functions is to update all the members on current trends in respect [637]of drug misuse. I give an assurance that all of the relevant agencies are represented at a senior level. I will convene the first meeting of the oversight committee in the coming weeks.
Written Answers - UN convention on the rights of persons with disabilities Wednesday, 25 May 2011
139. Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality when he will ratify the UN convention on the rights of persons with disabilities acknowledging also that we were among the first countries to sign the convention. [12937/11]
Minister of State at the Department of Justice and Equality (Deputy Kathleen Lynch): Ireland was in the first group of countries to sign, subject to ratification, the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities when it opened for signature on 30 March 2007.
It is the Government’s intention to ratify the Convention as quickly as possible, taking into account the need to ensure that all necessary legislative and administrative requirements under the Convention are being met. Ireland does not become party to treaties until it is first in a position to comply with the obligations imposed by the treaty in question, including by amending domestic law as necessary.
The ongoing implementation of our National Disability Strategy in many respects comprehends many of the provisions of the Convention. In addition, the Inter-Departmental Committee on the UNCRPD monitors the remaining legislative and administrative actions required to enable the State to ratify the Convention. The Committee has developed a programme on which work is progressing to address the matters that need to be aligned with the UNCRPD.
One of the key requirements in this regard is the enactment of mental capacity legislation. The Government’s Legislation Programme announced on 5 April 2011 indicates that the Mental Capacity Bill is expected to be published in late 2011. The Bill will replace the Wards of Court system with a modern statutory framework governing decision-making on behalf of adults who lack capacity. The passage of this Bill will add substantially to the overall progress on implementation of the requirements towards ratification of the Convention.
Minister of State at the Department of Justice and Equality (Deputy Kathleen Lynch): Ireland was in the first group of countries to sign, subject to ratification, the UN Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities when it opened for signature on 30 March 2007.
It is the Government’s intention to ratify the Convention as quickly as possible, taking into account the need to ensure that all necessary legislative and administrative requirements under the Convention are being met. Ireland does not become party to treaties until it is first in a position to comply with the obligations imposed by the treaty in question, including by amending domestic law as necessary.
The ongoing implementation of our National Disability Strategy in many respects comprehends many of the provisions of the Convention. In addition, the Inter-Departmental Committee on the UNCRPD monitors the remaining legislative and administrative actions required to enable the State to ratify the Convention. The Committee has developed a programme on which work is progressing to address the matters that need to be aligned with the UNCRPD.
One of the key requirements in this regard is the enactment of mental capacity legislation. The Government’s Legislation Programme announced on 5 April 2011 indicates that the Mental Capacity Bill is expected to be published in late 2011. The Bill will replace the Wards of Court system with a modern statutory framework governing decision-making on behalf of adults who lack capacity. The passage of this Bill will add substantially to the overall progress on implementation of the requirements towards ratification of the Convention.
25 MaySR Technics Former Employees Adjournment Debate
Click to hear the adjournment debate
With the permission of the House, I am sharing time with Deputy Catherine Murphy.
The group we met from SR Technics became unemployed through no fault of their own. They received the statutory redundancy payment, not massive payments. They were encouraged to avail of further education courses and a seminar was organised in the ALSAA fitness club at Dublin Airport with the various colleges to look at available options. Some provision was made for the workers by FÁS, the city and county enterprise boards, the VEC and third level colleges and institutions in support of the more than 1,000 workers made redundant in 2009.
A group of 55 workers opted for a tailor-made course in All Hallows College, 30 of whom are finishing year 2 of the course, while the remainder are in year 1. The funding, provided through the European Globalisation Fund, EGF, runs out shortly. Why were they allowed by the Government to commence a degree course if it knew funding would not be available for the full duration of the course? The course is of four years duration, approved by the Department of Education and Skills and accredited by Dublin City University. It is not practical to ask the men finishing year 2 to transfer to another course and begin again. The men concerned could have applied to other colleges by the CAO mature student route, but they opted for this course which was tailor-made for their needs.
There must be a way around this problem. Could it be done through the Minister, Deputy Ruairí Quinn negotiating with All Hallows College or through the Springboard initiative, as announced by the Minister, or could the remainder of the course be covered under the free fees scheme? Allowing this would hardly set a precedent as the fund will no longer be available to other workers made redundant. All Hallows College is on the CAO list and part of the free fees system. I do not see, therefore, why it is being considered a private college. As a former guidance councillor, I never considered it as a private college. The private colleges included the likes of Portobello College and Griffith College.
I ask that a way be found for those currently on the course to be allowed to finish it. As the State was prepared to fund other full-time courses at third level for the former SR Technics workers, why cannot the same be done for these men who had a legitimate expectation that funding would be available to allow them to complete the course.
The group we met from SR Technics became unemployed through no fault of their own. They received the statutory redundancy payment, not massive payments. They were encouraged to avail of further education courses and a seminar was organised in the ALSAA fitness club at Dublin Airport with the various colleges to look at available options. Some provision was made for the workers by FÁS, the city and county enterprise boards, the VEC and third level colleges and institutions in support of the more than 1,000 workers made redundant in 2009.
A group of 55 workers opted for a tailor-made course in All Hallows College, 30 of whom are finishing year 2 of the course, while the remainder are in year 1. The funding, provided through the European Globalisation Fund, EGF, runs out shortly. Why were they allowed by the Government to commence a degree course if it knew funding would not be available for the full duration of the course? The course is of four years duration, approved by the Department of Education and Skills and accredited by Dublin City University. It is not practical to ask the men finishing year 2 to transfer to another course and begin again. The men concerned could have applied to other colleges by the CAO mature student route, but they opted for this course which was tailor-made for their needs.
There must be a way around this problem. Could it be done through the Minister, Deputy Ruairí Quinn negotiating with All Hallows College or through the Springboard initiative, as announced by the Minister, or could the remainder of the course be covered under the free fees scheme? Allowing this would hardly set a precedent as the fund will no longer be available to other workers made redundant. All Hallows College is on the CAO list and part of the free fees system. I do not see, therefore, why it is being considered a private college. As a former guidance councillor, I never considered it as a private college. The private colleges included the likes of Portobello College and Griffith College.
I ask that a way be found for those currently on the course to be allowed to finish it. As the State was prepared to fund other full-time courses at third level for the former SR Technics workers, why cannot the same be done for these men who had a legitimate expectation that funding would be available to allow them to complete the course.
25 May Finance Bill No.2
Click to hear Maureen speak
When approaching any legislation basic questions should be asked with regard to whether it will make a difference, what sort of a difference and whose lives will be affected. When I consider the Finance Bill I question whether it will make a difference and for whom. I admit to approaching anything in the financial line with a degree of scepticism. No matter who it sets out to benefit appearances can be deceptive. There are too many examples of creative accounting, tax loopholes, tax evasion and false information. No matter what tax measure is introduced it immediately becomes a challenge for someone to get around, under or over to avoid paying his or her just taxes.
The Minister referred to corporate tax as being the heart of the matter. I reiterate some points I have made already. We cannot be a tax haven for companies which use us to avoid paying their lawful taxes in their own countries. I am struck by the irony of the suggestion to ask President Obama to help us to protect our 12.5% rate when he condemned it during his first presidential election campaign. European countries need not take the high moral ground on their stated higher rates when, in fact, they have tax concessions and loopholes for companies. A small increase in corporate tax would make a significant difference to what we need at the moment. However, at the least we should ensure that 12.5% is collected from everyone and not an effective rate of tax in single figures as we are led to believe.
Let us consider particular aspects of the legislation. I wish the Minister, Deputy Varadkar, well in reaching agreement with the airlines regarding the suspension of the air travel tax and I hope it will bring in additional passenger numbers. The review should come sooner than the end of 2012 so it can be reversed if it does not bring in the additional numbers envisaged. I do not believe the air travel tax was the reason we saw a reduction in the numbers travelling to Ireland. The astronomical pricing here to stay and eat contributed to the fall in tourist numbers. It was disquieting, to say the least, to learn of the significant hike in accommodation prices during the past week because of the various sporting events and visits. It is too long to wait until the end of 2012 to examine the effects of the change. There should be consistent and regular mini-reviews and instant action should be taken if it is deemed not to have positive effects.
It has been established that most of the visitors we have are associated with the cultural area. I have been appealing for some time for resources to preserve suitably the historic area from the General Post Office, GPO, to Moore Street, Moore Lane and O’Rahilly Parade. Let us consider the number of visitors to the National Museum in Kilmainham. With the centenary of the 1916 Rising approaching the economic potential is vast. If funding were allocated for preservation there would be jobs and, afterwards, retail opportunities for business, jobs as guides etc. We have speculated a good deal on the royal and presidential visits. I hope we accumulate significantly from them.
We know more than 300,000 jobs have been lost, there has been a doubling of the numbers unemployed and that the projected level of increase in employment is not expected to be enough to reduce unemployment. We badly need measures to make a difference. Are these measures for the benefit of society or the marketplace?
The Government was elected on a platform of being honest, having greater accountability, bringing political reform, stopping the bonus culture, adhering to principles of fair share, ensuring bondholders will pay and that tax shelters would be closed. The Government has correctly blamed the previous Government for the disastrous situation we are in. However, it is time to move on from the blame game. The Government must take responsibility and address the matters on that platform and where we stand on them. The bonus culture and excessive salaries are still alive and well. There have been no reversals and no payback from the Mr. Fingletons and Mr. Drumms and political appointments continue. As a PAYE worker and a former teacher, if I underpaid my tax, Revenue would come after me and rightly so. However, one can defraud the country, continue to play golf, go on holidays and live the high life. The payback from those people could have been used for this jobs initiative. Is it not possible to require bondholders who foolishly lent funds without sufficient assets secured to pay back something? Instead, there is a levy on funded pensions schemes and personal pension plans. I realise it is temporary but I am unsure whether we are good when it comes to “temporary”. Those who were sensible and prudent enough to save for their retirement now must fund this initiative.
Let us consider the jobs in the retail sector. Some 20,000 businesses employ tens of thousands but sales are in decline. I trust the intention of the Minister of State, Deputy Perry, to establish a national retail forum will grasp the issue. The way forward should focus on small and medium sized enterprises as the key to employment growth in retail, the green economy, social networking, agribusiness and food. The talent and ideas are in place. One need only consider the young entrepreneurs in our schools and the Young Scientist & Technology Exhibition. The song holds that when the going gets tough, the tough get going. Leinster showed this last Saturday and I believe Ireland can do so as well but I have my doubts about whether we are making the right decisions in this Finance (No. 2) Bill.
The Minister referred to corporate tax as being the heart of the matter. I reiterate some points I have made already. We cannot be a tax haven for companies which use us to avoid paying their lawful taxes in their own countries. I am struck by the irony of the suggestion to ask President Obama to help us to protect our 12.5% rate when he condemned it during his first presidential election campaign. European countries need not take the high moral ground on their stated higher rates when, in fact, they have tax concessions and loopholes for companies. A small increase in corporate tax would make a significant difference to what we need at the moment. However, at the least we should ensure that 12.5% is collected from everyone and not an effective rate of tax in single figures as we are led to believe.
Let us consider particular aspects of the legislation. I wish the Minister, Deputy Varadkar, well in reaching agreement with the airlines regarding the suspension of the air travel tax and I hope it will bring in additional passenger numbers. The review should come sooner than the end of 2012 so it can be reversed if it does not bring in the additional numbers envisaged. I do not believe the air travel tax was the reason we saw a reduction in the numbers travelling to Ireland. The astronomical pricing here to stay and eat contributed to the fall in tourist numbers. It was disquieting, to say the least, to learn of the significant hike in accommodation prices during the past week because of the various sporting events and visits. It is too long to wait until the end of 2012 to examine the effects of the change. There should be consistent and regular mini-reviews and instant action should be taken if it is deemed not to have positive effects.
It has been established that most of the visitors we have are associated with the cultural area. I have been appealing for some time for resources to preserve suitably the historic area from the General Post Office, GPO, to Moore Street, Moore Lane and O’Rahilly Parade. Let us consider the number of visitors to the National Museum in Kilmainham. With the centenary of the 1916 Rising approaching the economic potential is vast. If funding were allocated for preservation there would be jobs and, afterwards, retail opportunities for business, jobs as guides etc. We have speculated a good deal on the royal and presidential visits. I hope we accumulate significantly from them.
We know more than 300,000 jobs have been lost, there has been a doubling of the numbers unemployed and that the projected level of increase in employment is not expected to be enough to reduce unemployment. We badly need measures to make a difference. Are these measures for the benefit of society or the marketplace?
The Government was elected on a platform of being honest, having greater accountability, bringing political reform, stopping the bonus culture, adhering to principles of fair share, ensuring bondholders will pay and that tax shelters would be closed. The Government has correctly blamed the previous Government for the disastrous situation we are in. However, it is time to move on from the blame game. The Government must take responsibility and address the matters on that platform and where we stand on them. The bonus culture and excessive salaries are still alive and well. There have been no reversals and no payback from the Mr. Fingletons and Mr. Drumms and political appointments continue. As a PAYE worker and a former teacher, if I underpaid my tax, Revenue would come after me and rightly so. However, one can defraud the country, continue to play golf, go on holidays and live the high life. The payback from those people could have been used for this jobs initiative. Is it not possible to require bondholders who foolishly lent funds without sufficient assets secured to pay back something? Instead, there is a levy on funded pensions schemes and personal pension plans. I realise it is temporary but I am unsure whether we are good when it comes to “temporary”. Those who were sensible and prudent enough to save for their retirement now must fund this initiative.
Let us consider the jobs in the retail sector. Some 20,000 businesses employ tens of thousands but sales are in decline. I trust the intention of the Minister of State, Deputy Perry, to establish a national retail forum will grasp the issue. The way forward should focus on small and medium sized enterprises as the key to employment growth in retail, the green economy, social networking, agribusiness and food. The talent and ideas are in place. One need only consider the young entrepreneurs in our schools and the Young Scientist & Technology Exhibition. The song holds that when the going gets tough, the tough get going. Leinster showed this last Saturday and I believe Ireland can do so as well but I have my doubts about whether we are making the right decisions in this Finance (No. 2) Bill.
18 May Dublin Monaghan Bombings
Click to hear Maureen speak
The Independent Members of the Technical Group have not been allowed to sign the motion because we are not members of a political party. However, I think Justice for the Forgotten knows it has our support.
I will begin with a quotation, “While these terrible events of 17 May, 1974 endure in the memory of many who witnessed them or were injured by them, I believe it would be invidious to single them out for special official commemoration.” This was the response of the former Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds, to a question put by the late Independent Deputy Tony Gregory in June 1993, approaching the 20th anniversary of the bombings. In 2004, approaching the 30th anniversary, when speaking on the Barron report, Tony Gregory stated, “We owe it to the families and the memories of those who died to bring closure and finality once and for all to this issue.” He called on the then Government to take the necessary steps to ensure this happened. He supported the group’s preference to pursue an effective human rights investigation into the bombings. As Justice for the Forgotten is now calling on the British Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron, to open the files, in 2004 the question was why the then British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, was not co-operating with the request made. Tony Gregory asked whether the reason was the single worst act of terrorism might have been perpetrated by agents of the British Government and carried out in collusion with members of the British security forces. He also noted the reluctance of the then Irish Government and the reticence of all the established political parties to pursue the issue. In 2011, three years from the 40th anniversary of the bombings, enough is enough. The relatives and victims are owed the truth. The Government and the House must lead the way by insisting on the files being handed over.
Yesterday I stood on Talbot Street and the grief of the relatives was very obvious, their grief compounded by the injustice of not knowing the truth. A headline in one of today’s newspapers reads, “Queen honours those who died in the fight for Irish freedom”. The innocent lives lost in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings will be honoured only when the truth is told.
I will begin with a quotation, “While these terrible events of 17 May, 1974 endure in the memory of many who witnessed them or were injured by them, I believe it would be invidious to single them out for special official commemoration.” This was the response of the former Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds, to a question put by the late Independent Deputy Tony Gregory in June 1993, approaching the 20th anniversary of the bombings. In 2004, approaching the 30th anniversary, when speaking on the Barron report, Tony Gregory stated, “We owe it to the families and the memories of those who died to bring closure and finality once and for all to this issue.” He called on the then Government to take the necessary steps to ensure this happened. He supported the group’s preference to pursue an effective human rights investigation into the bombings. As Justice for the Forgotten is now calling on the British Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron, to open the files, in 2004 the question was why the then British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, was not co-operating with the request made. Tony Gregory asked whether the reason was the single worst act of terrorism might have been perpetrated by agents of the British Government and carried out in collusion with members of the British security forces. He also noted the reluctance of the then Irish Government and the reticence of all the established political parties to pursue the issue. In 2011, three years from the 40th anniversary of the bombings, enough is enough. The relatives and victims are owed the truth. The Government and the House must lead the way by insisting on the files being handed over.
Yesterday I stood on Talbot Street and the grief of the relatives was very obvious, their grief compounded by the injustice of not knowing the truth. A headline in one of today’s newspapers reads, “Queen honours those who died in the fight for Irish freedom”. The innocent lives lost in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings will be honoured only when the truth is told.
11 May Priority Question Commemorative Events
Click to hear exchange on Priority Question
Question 29: To ask the Minister for Tourism; Culture and Sport in view of the statement in the Programme for Government to develop a cultural plan for future commemorative events such as the Centenary of the Easter Rising of 1916, if he will ensure that part of that plan will be protecting and preserving intact the historical site from the General Post Office to Moore Street, as requested by the Save 16 Moore Street Committee, extending national monument status to the entire Moore Street terrace, listing other buildings occupied by volunteers in their retreat from the GPO in order that the area will be a fitting historic and cultural quarter; if he will commit to ensuring adequate funding for this and that the work will be under the direct supervision of the Director of the National Museum. [10944/11]
Minister Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht : As the Deputy will be aware, the arrangements for national commemorative programmes are co-ordinated by the Department of the Taoiseach. Reflecting the strong interest of the Government, the Taoiseach wrote on 3 May seeking nominations from party leaders with a view to re-establishment of the all-party Oireachtas consultation group on centenary commemorations. As Minister responsible for arts, heritage and the Gaeltacht, I will chair the consultation group, which will offer a forum to consider the duration, scope and scale of an appropriate commemorative programme to cover the centenary anniversaries of a momentous period of our national history.
The national commemorative arrangements will reflect official consideration and consultation on an inclusive basis in the Oireachtas. I would also welcome proposals from voluntary bodies, community groups and the Irish people at home and abroad. I envisage a multi-annual programme extending in the first phase to 2016.
In regard to Moore Street, the position is that, in January 2007, the then Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government placed a preservation order on Nos. 14 to 17 under the National Monuments Acts. The order was made on the grounds that No. 16 Moore Street is a monument, the preservation of which is of national importance by reason of its historical significance as the site of the final council of war and final headquarters of the Provisional Government, which included five of the Proclamation signatories - Pearse, Connolly, Plunkett, Clarke and McDermott.
The purpose of the preservation order is to ensure the preservation of No. 16 Moore Street in the context of wider redevelopment proposals centred on the former Carlton Cinema site. To achieve this objective, the order also covers Nos. 14 to 17 Moore Street and includes the yards to the rear of Nos. 15 and 16 Moore Street, extending to Nos. 8 and 9 Moore Lane. The effect of the order is that works affecting these properties, including any excavation or ground disturbance within, around or in proximity to them, will require the prior written consent of the Minister. While the National Museum of Ireland does not have a role in supervision of such works, the Minister is statutorily obliged to consult the director of the Museum as part of the consent process.
The proposed development of the Carlton Cinema site, in accordance with the permission granted by An Bord Pleanála, envisages the retention of Nos. 14 to 17 Moore Street and, subject to ministerial consent under the National Monuments Acts, No. 16 Moore Street becoming a commemorative centre. Detailed proposals in this regard will need to be submitted to my Department for consideration and any works to be carried out will require my consent.
Maureen O'Sullivan: There are positives and negatives in the Minister’s reply. I am from East Wall and I went to school in King’s Inn Street, which is in the heart of the Moore Street area. As someone who loved history, I loved taking that walk every morning and knowing I was walking on the same streets that the men and women from the garrison in the GPO walked. We have lost enough of the buildings that were associated with the Rising.
I note in a previous reply the Minister referred to the number of cultural visitors to Ireland. Does he not think making that whole area, which is a battlefield site, a historic quarter of Dublin would be a good idea, given the way people visiting Prague, Budapest and elsewhere visit similar areas? I ask the Minister to include the whole area, including O’Rahilly Parade where the O’Rahilly made his last stand and the laneways the men and women walked down. All the houses on Moore Street should also be protected, not just three houses. When the men and women surrendered, they moved down to the end of the street, so the whole area is reeking of history, which previous Governments have completely ignored to facilitate the development of the Carlton Cinema.
Minister Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht; As I pointed out to the Deputy, the decision was made on this issue by a previous Minister and by An Bord Pleanála. However, in the context of the 1916 commemoration and the consultative committee I am setting up, this will obviously be discussed. I have been contacted by a number of interested groups, which I hope to meet in the next few months. If anything can be done to answer the questions raised by the Deputy, I will do it. The committee on the 1916 commemoration will be very inclusive and will include those from all sides of the House and will seek views from interested bodies outside the House. Obviously, this will be a very important consideration given the various points outlined by the Deputy.
Maureen O'Sullivan: Will the Minister include the Save 16 Moore Street committee in that? On a related point, while the Minister is very busy, on Tuesday, 24 May, we are having a tour of the battlefield with the relatives. It would be great if the Minister could join us and I know some Members of the Technical Group who would be delighted to have him along for that tour, which will really show off the places associated with the Rising.
Minister, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht; I have no problem with that. If I have no other engagement, I would be delighted to join the Deputy.
Minister Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht : As the Deputy will be aware, the arrangements for national commemorative programmes are co-ordinated by the Department of the Taoiseach. Reflecting the strong interest of the Government, the Taoiseach wrote on 3 May seeking nominations from party leaders with a view to re-establishment of the all-party Oireachtas consultation group on centenary commemorations. As Minister responsible for arts, heritage and the Gaeltacht, I will chair the consultation group, which will offer a forum to consider the duration, scope and scale of an appropriate commemorative programme to cover the centenary anniversaries of a momentous period of our national history.
The national commemorative arrangements will reflect official consideration and consultation on an inclusive basis in the Oireachtas. I would also welcome proposals from voluntary bodies, community groups and the Irish people at home and abroad. I envisage a multi-annual programme extending in the first phase to 2016.
In regard to Moore Street, the position is that, in January 2007, the then Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government placed a preservation order on Nos. 14 to 17 under the National Monuments Acts. The order was made on the grounds that No. 16 Moore Street is a monument, the preservation of which is of national importance by reason of its historical significance as the site of the final council of war and final headquarters of the Provisional Government, which included five of the Proclamation signatories - Pearse, Connolly, Plunkett, Clarke and McDermott.
The purpose of the preservation order is to ensure the preservation of No. 16 Moore Street in the context of wider redevelopment proposals centred on the former Carlton Cinema site. To achieve this objective, the order also covers Nos. 14 to 17 Moore Street and includes the yards to the rear of Nos. 15 and 16 Moore Street, extending to Nos. 8 and 9 Moore Lane. The effect of the order is that works affecting these properties, including any excavation or ground disturbance within, around or in proximity to them, will require the prior written consent of the Minister. While the National Museum of Ireland does not have a role in supervision of such works, the Minister is statutorily obliged to consult the director of the Museum as part of the consent process.
The proposed development of the Carlton Cinema site, in accordance with the permission granted by An Bord Pleanála, envisages the retention of Nos. 14 to 17 Moore Street and, subject to ministerial consent under the National Monuments Acts, No. 16 Moore Street becoming a commemorative centre. Detailed proposals in this regard will need to be submitted to my Department for consideration and any works to be carried out will require my consent.
Maureen O'Sullivan: There are positives and negatives in the Minister’s reply. I am from East Wall and I went to school in King’s Inn Street, which is in the heart of the Moore Street area. As someone who loved history, I loved taking that walk every morning and knowing I was walking on the same streets that the men and women from the garrison in the GPO walked. We have lost enough of the buildings that were associated with the Rising.
I note in a previous reply the Minister referred to the number of cultural visitors to Ireland. Does he not think making that whole area, which is a battlefield site, a historic quarter of Dublin would be a good idea, given the way people visiting Prague, Budapest and elsewhere visit similar areas? I ask the Minister to include the whole area, including O’Rahilly Parade where the O’Rahilly made his last stand and the laneways the men and women walked down. All the houses on Moore Street should also be protected, not just three houses. When the men and women surrendered, they moved down to the end of the street, so the whole area is reeking of history, which previous Governments have completely ignored to facilitate the development of the Carlton Cinema.
Minister Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht; As I pointed out to the Deputy, the decision was made on this issue by a previous Minister and by An Bord Pleanála. However, in the context of the 1916 commemoration and the consultative committee I am setting up, this will obviously be discussed. I have been contacted by a number of interested groups, which I hope to meet in the next few months. If anything can be done to answer the questions raised by the Deputy, I will do it. The committee on the 1916 commemoration will be very inclusive and will include those from all sides of the House and will seek views from interested bodies outside the House. Obviously, this will be a very important consideration given the various points outlined by the Deputy.
Maureen O'Sullivan: Will the Minister include the Save 16 Moore Street committee in that? On a related point, while the Minister is very busy, on Tuesday, 24 May, we are having a tour of the battlefield with the relatives. It would be great if the Minister could join us and I know some Members of the Technical Group who would be delighted to have him along for that tour, which will really show off the places associated with the Rising.
Minister, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht; I have no problem with that. If I have no other engagement, I would be delighted to join the Deputy.
11 May Jobs Initiative
Click to hear Maureen's speech
No matter which economist one believes — we have quite a number to choose from — the bottom line is that we are in a dire situation, and there is a real fear that we are facing bankruptcy. I wonder whether we have time to continue with adversarial politics in this country. There was an interesting exchange this morning in the House in which somebody on this side — Deputy Ross — made a suggestion that the Taoiseach, on that side, was prepared to consider. It is not the prerogative of the Government but of this House to come up with a jobs initiative. If we had taken that approach, inviting people from all sides of the House to make suggestions, we might have come up with a more comprehensive plan, although this is not to deny the good that is in this initiative.
Seanfhocal, “Tús maith leath na hoibre”. A strong foundation is needed. Is the Government laying out mechanisms for high-quality economic activity over the long term, which will bring stability to Irish society, or is it a short-term, volatile fix subject to the vagaries of greedy global markets and the quick-buck gombeen men, both foreign and domestic?
One positive aspect is the summer works programme for schools. The money will be provided to those projects that are ready to start immediately. Tá Gaelscoil Bharra, i gCabrach, réidh chun tosú leis an obair. Tá siad ag fanacht ar scoil nua le fada an lá anois, agus tá súil agam go mbeidh siad sa scéim seo. I hope the plans for two further bundles of the public private partnership schools programme will be based on real need and not influenced by voting considerations, as has happened in the past. I also hope that the internship scheme will offer a high quality experience and that the people involved will learn significantly and make a contribution. It should not be just another type of slave labour.
Our corporation tax rate appears set in stone as our salvation but I repeat that we cannot be a tax haven for multinationals avoiding paying their just taxes in their own countries. As to exactly how much of this 12.5% tax is collected, there are disquieting reports of companies paying as little as 2%. Of that 12.5% tax collected, how much will be invested in jobs-focused growth?
Job retention is also important. I appeal for community-based projects working with people with addiction issues, with youth, with Travellers and with unaccompanied young minors. They provide a very valuable service at very little cost. To cut those kinds of jobs would prove very problematic in the long run.
Many of us attended the See Change meeting this morning. We saw people there who coped with adversity, isolation and mental illness and they had such a positive message for all of us. There is a positive message for all of us, namely, that we have to grasp the nettle and look forward.
Seanfhocal, “Tús maith leath na hoibre”. A strong foundation is needed. Is the Government laying out mechanisms for high-quality economic activity over the long term, which will bring stability to Irish society, or is it a short-term, volatile fix subject to the vagaries of greedy global markets and the quick-buck gombeen men, both foreign and domestic?
One positive aspect is the summer works programme for schools. The money will be provided to those projects that are ready to start immediately. Tá Gaelscoil Bharra, i gCabrach, réidh chun tosú leis an obair. Tá siad ag fanacht ar scoil nua le fada an lá anois, agus tá súil agam go mbeidh siad sa scéim seo. I hope the plans for two further bundles of the public private partnership schools programme will be based on real need and not influenced by voting considerations, as has happened in the past. I also hope that the internship scheme will offer a high quality experience and that the people involved will learn significantly and make a contribution. It should not be just another type of slave labour.
Our corporation tax rate appears set in stone as our salvation but I repeat that we cannot be a tax haven for multinationals avoiding paying their just taxes in their own countries. As to exactly how much of this 12.5% tax is collected, there are disquieting reports of companies paying as little as 2%. Of that 12.5% tax collected, how much will be invested in jobs-focused growth?
Job retention is also important. I appeal for community-based projects working with people with addiction issues, with youth, with Travellers and with unaccompanied young minors. They provide a very valuable service at very little cost. To cut those kinds of jobs would prove very problematic in the long run.
Many of us attended the See Change meeting this morning. We saw people there who coped with adversity, isolation and mental illness and they had such a positive message for all of us. There is a positive message for all of us, namely, that we have to grasp the nettle and look forward.
Written Answers - Departmental Funding Tuesday, 10 May 2011
148. Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan asked the Minister for Education and Skills if he will set out in tabular form the amount of Exchequer funding provided, or intended to be provided, to fee-paying post-primary schools for each year from 2007 to December 2011 and, side by side with that, if he will set out in tabular form the amount of money provided, or intended to be provided, from the Dormant Accounts Fund to post-primary schools serving children from disadvantaged areas DEIS schools for each year from 2007 to December 2011; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [10601/11]
09 May Oireachtas Europe Day
Click to hear Maureen's statement
It will be a variation of that. It is ironic that I am speaking on Europe Day and the role of the Oireachtas in European affairs when I have always been sceptical of Ireland’s role in the EU and was one of those who voted against the Lisbon treaty both times. However, I accept the reality.
Tá sé soiléir go bhfuil deacrachtaí agus fadhbanna os ár gcomhair amach sa tír seo agus ar fud na hEorpa, fadhbanna agus deacrachtaí maidir le cúrsaí eacnamaíochta, fostaíochta, ag baint le hathrú aeráide sa timpeallacht agus cúrsaí drugaí. Sa chúpla nóiméad atá agam, ba mhaith liom labhairt ar ábhar ar leith, our European development aid budget. I acknowledge that Europe is the largest donor of development aid. Ireland has a positive reputation for humanitarian work in Africa, Asia and South America. This is due to the selfless and generous [734]work of organisations such as Goal, Trócaire and Concern and of Irish missionaries who have been trying to right the wrongs carried out by powerful European countries that, following the early voyages of Cortes and Magellan, went on an empire-building rampage, particularly in the 19th century. As such, alarm bells go off when I consider Lady Ashton’s brief — foreign affairs and security. I fear that the development aid budget will be diverted or reduced, either openly or surreptitiously, towards security and increased militarisation to promote the self-serving interests of certain European countries. We need to remember and stress forcefully that we are a neutral country. Unlike other countries’ forces, our troops have an excellent reputation as peacekeepers. I ask that Ireland be a voice to ensure the development aid budget goes directly to those most in need.
Leaving our economic recklessness aside, we are a respected member of the EU and the UN. We are in a unique position in terms of human rights issues. In Europe, Ireland could be a stronger voice in defending people’s rights, including the right to peaceful protest and the basic freedoms we take for granted. For example, we could be stronger on the appalling human rights situation in Syria. We must lead by example by respecting the rights of citizens in every European country and by not allowing the discrimination, persecution or isolation of particular groups.
Regarding the headline targets, Ireland must lead by example on the climate change issue by doing what other civilisations have done, namely, think seven generations ahead. Under the education target, we must increase participation rates at third level and have a national action plan for inclusion in education. This is sadly ironic at a time when we are depriving children with special needs of their right to education.
Another aspect of the plan relates to outreach programmes for schools. I ask that the EU funding for exchanges via Léargas be continued. Under one project in a deprived area of Dublin Central, a group of people have been on productive exchange visits to Germany and elsewhere. If that could be extended to countries in Africa or South America, it would be a positive way to encourage and support respect and understanding of other cultures.
Seanfhocal eile, “Ní neart go cur le chéile”. If we are going to come together as a lesson, it must be clear that it is for the benefit of all our citizens. In the programme for Government, it is vital that the Oireachtas is given responsibility for full scrutiny of EU draft proposals to ensure we are not bypassed. We cannot allow our country to be dominated by Europe because we have given too much away already.
Tá sé soiléir go bhfuil deacrachtaí agus fadhbanna os ár gcomhair amach sa tír seo agus ar fud na hEorpa, fadhbanna agus deacrachtaí maidir le cúrsaí eacnamaíochta, fostaíochta, ag baint le hathrú aeráide sa timpeallacht agus cúrsaí drugaí. Sa chúpla nóiméad atá agam, ba mhaith liom labhairt ar ábhar ar leith, our European development aid budget. I acknowledge that Europe is the largest donor of development aid. Ireland has a positive reputation for humanitarian work in Africa, Asia and South America. This is due to the selfless and generous [734]work of organisations such as Goal, Trócaire and Concern and of Irish missionaries who have been trying to right the wrongs carried out by powerful European countries that, following the early voyages of Cortes and Magellan, went on an empire-building rampage, particularly in the 19th century. As such, alarm bells go off when I consider Lady Ashton’s brief — foreign affairs and security. I fear that the development aid budget will be diverted or reduced, either openly or surreptitiously, towards security and increased militarisation to promote the self-serving interests of certain European countries. We need to remember and stress forcefully that we are a neutral country. Unlike other countries’ forces, our troops have an excellent reputation as peacekeepers. I ask that Ireland be a voice to ensure the development aid budget goes directly to those most in need.
Leaving our economic recklessness aside, we are a respected member of the EU and the UN. We are in a unique position in terms of human rights issues. In Europe, Ireland could be a stronger voice in defending people’s rights, including the right to peaceful protest and the basic freedoms we take for granted. For example, we could be stronger on the appalling human rights situation in Syria. We must lead by example by respecting the rights of citizens in every European country and by not allowing the discrimination, persecution or isolation of particular groups.
Regarding the headline targets, Ireland must lead by example on the climate change issue by doing what other civilisations have done, namely, think seven generations ahead. Under the education target, we must increase participation rates at third level and have a national action plan for inclusion in education. This is sadly ironic at a time when we are depriving children with special needs of their right to education.
Another aspect of the plan relates to outreach programmes for schools. I ask that the EU funding for exchanges via Léargas be continued. Under one project in a deprived area of Dublin Central, a group of people have been on productive exchange visits to Germany and elsewhere. If that could be extended to countries in Africa or South America, it would be a positive way to encourage and support respect and understanding of other cultures.
Seanfhocal eile, “Ní neart go cur le chéile”. If we are going to come together as a lesson, it must be clear that it is for the benefit of all our citizens. In the programme for Government, it is vital that the Oireachtas is given responsibility for full scrutiny of EU draft proposals to ensure we are not bypassed. We cannot allow our country to be dominated by Europe because we have given too much away already.
03 May: Residential Mortgage Debt: Private Members Motion
Click to hear Maureen speak
I acknowledge the role of Deputy Thomas Pringle in working on this motion and bringing it before the House.
There are many groups of people hurting in this country. One such group consists of mortgage holders who bought property in our so-called Celtic tiger years. They believed the tall stories about getting on the property ladder and that if they did not do it then, they would never get to own their own home. They believed the tall stories about 100% mortgages and that they would always be able to make the payments because they were told that the good times would last forever. They believed the tall stories about the benefits of tracker mortgages.
The expression “the dogs on the street” has been applied to a variety of situations, and it can also be applied to this situation. The dogs in the street knew that the property bubble would burst, that it was just a matter of time before it did so and that it was inconceivable to spend astronomical amounts on a house of four, five and six times its real value. The dogs on the street knew the foolishness of what was going on, yet our so called experts on banking and finance did not have their finger on the button, but actively encouraged increasing numbers of people to buy into the myth and the lie.
It is frightening to read the statistics on mortgage arrears. According to our own economic indicators carried out by the Oireachtas Library service, since September 2009 the number of mortgages in arrears has increased by approximately 18,000. At the end of 2010, there were more than 40,000 in arrears with a steady increase in the numbers of seriously distressed mortgages. It is obvious that once a mortgage becomes distressed, it becomes very difficult for the borrower to reverse that position. What is also obvious from the statistics is that the sooner the customer or borrower engages with the lender or lending institution, the better the chance that the mortgage will not become delinquent. The first strong action needed, therefore, is for everything possible to be done to ensure the lending institution engages with the borrower in difficulty sooner rather than later.
When I look at the housing section in the programme for Government, it acknowledges that the policy of putting the interests of big developers and bankers ahead of people looking to purchase a home was a direct cause of Ireland’s disastrous property boom and bust. It also states that the Government is committed to helping home owners in distress to weather the recession, and it acknowledges that more protection is needed for home owners with distressed mortgages. I look at the details in our Private Members’ motion and see common ground. I do not really see where there is space for the Government to vote against this and perhaps that is why there is only one member of the Government is present. They all agree with us.
We are looking for the Minister for Finance to consider emergency measures on this matter. The programme for Government states: “A more radical approach is needed to protect families in fear of losing their home”, - more common ground. Part of the plan is for the money advice and budgeting service, MABS, to be converted into a strengthened personal debt management agency to support those families in dealing with their debts and provide protection and space for people to sort out their affairs. The plan is also to make greater use of the mortgage interest supplement to support families who cannot make their mortgage repayments, which it is acknowledged is a much better and cheaper option than seeing families having their homes repossessed and then going on to receive rent supplement. Other measures that can be considered include paying interest only for a significant time, paying interest on part of the capital, payment holidays, deferring all or part, lengthening the term of the mortgage, which would reduce payments, being flexible to ways of changing the type of mortgage, and a deferred interest scheme.
It is also important that the Central Bank’s code of conduct on mortgage arrears be respected. Part of that code is that the lender is obliged to consider alternative repayment options while not obliged to offer one. The difficulty is where the lender states he is not willing to offer a repayment arrangement. I note the lender must give the reasons in writing and inform the borrower of other options, but it is not strong enough to prevent repossession. There is much to commend in that code but I hope the borrower can be assisted in practical ways because there is much form filling, meetings and legalities to be gone through. The code states that the aim of the mortgage arrears resolution process is to avoid the repossession of family homes.
No doubt a terrible injustice has been done to ordinary home owners by reckless and unscrupulous bankers and developers who most definitely are not facing the reality of losing their generally palatial homes, both here and abroad, in the same way that ordinary home owners are facing repossession of their homes. The Government must put ordinary citizens who are in difficulty first and not allow the banks exploit the financial situation.
There are many groups of people hurting in this country. One such group consists of mortgage holders who bought property in our so-called Celtic tiger years. They believed the tall stories about getting on the property ladder and that if they did not do it then, they would never get to own their own home. They believed the tall stories about 100% mortgages and that they would always be able to make the payments because they were told that the good times would last forever. They believed the tall stories about the benefits of tracker mortgages.
The expression “the dogs on the street” has been applied to a variety of situations, and it can also be applied to this situation. The dogs in the street knew that the property bubble would burst, that it was just a matter of time before it did so and that it was inconceivable to spend astronomical amounts on a house of four, five and six times its real value. The dogs on the street knew the foolishness of what was going on, yet our so called experts on banking and finance did not have their finger on the button, but actively encouraged increasing numbers of people to buy into the myth and the lie.
It is frightening to read the statistics on mortgage arrears. According to our own economic indicators carried out by the Oireachtas Library service, since September 2009 the number of mortgages in arrears has increased by approximately 18,000. At the end of 2010, there were more than 40,000 in arrears with a steady increase in the numbers of seriously distressed mortgages. It is obvious that once a mortgage becomes distressed, it becomes very difficult for the borrower to reverse that position. What is also obvious from the statistics is that the sooner the customer or borrower engages with the lender or lending institution, the better the chance that the mortgage will not become delinquent. The first strong action needed, therefore, is for everything possible to be done to ensure the lending institution engages with the borrower in difficulty sooner rather than later.
When I look at the housing section in the programme for Government, it acknowledges that the policy of putting the interests of big developers and bankers ahead of people looking to purchase a home was a direct cause of Ireland’s disastrous property boom and bust. It also states that the Government is committed to helping home owners in distress to weather the recession, and it acknowledges that more protection is needed for home owners with distressed mortgages. I look at the details in our Private Members’ motion and see common ground. I do not really see where there is space for the Government to vote against this and perhaps that is why there is only one member of the Government is present. They all agree with us.
We are looking for the Minister for Finance to consider emergency measures on this matter. The programme for Government states: “A more radical approach is needed to protect families in fear of losing their home”, - more common ground. Part of the plan is for the money advice and budgeting service, MABS, to be converted into a strengthened personal debt management agency to support those families in dealing with their debts and provide protection and space for people to sort out their affairs. The plan is also to make greater use of the mortgage interest supplement to support families who cannot make their mortgage repayments, which it is acknowledged is a much better and cheaper option than seeing families having their homes repossessed and then going on to receive rent supplement. Other measures that can be considered include paying interest only for a significant time, paying interest on part of the capital, payment holidays, deferring all or part, lengthening the term of the mortgage, which would reduce payments, being flexible to ways of changing the type of mortgage, and a deferred interest scheme.
It is also important that the Central Bank’s code of conduct on mortgage arrears be respected. Part of that code is that the lender is obliged to consider alternative repayment options while not obliged to offer one. The difficulty is where the lender states he is not willing to offer a repayment arrangement. I note the lender must give the reasons in writing and inform the borrower of other options, but it is not strong enough to prevent repossession. There is much to commend in that code but I hope the borrower can be assisted in practical ways because there is much form filling, meetings and legalities to be gone through. The code states that the aim of the mortgage arrears resolution process is to avoid the repossession of family homes.
No doubt a terrible injustice has been done to ordinary home owners by reckless and unscrupulous bankers and developers who most definitely are not facing the reality of losing their generally palatial homes, both here and abroad, in the same way that ordinary home owners are facing repossession of their homes. The Government must put ordinary citizens who are in difficulty first and not allow the banks exploit the financial situation.
